VICTORIA - You can make a pretty good argument that’s ICBC’s rate cut should be four times what has been promised, and paid out to more customers.
The Crown corporation has announced a rate reduction, but only for those customers who buy optional insurance from ICBC. The rates for the basic insurance - where ICBC has a monopoly, will stay the same.
And the amount going back to customers - about $130 million - is looking tiny given ICBC’s robust profits and big reserves. The average rate cut will be worth $61. The corporation can afford something closer to $250, critics argue convincingly.
ICBC has made profits in each of the last three years, including a record $389 million last year. On the same day it announced the rate hike, the corporation reported it was ahead of last year’s record pace after the first three months of this year.
ICBC has now piled up about $1 billion in special reserves. That’s beyond the large reserves required to be available for future claims.
In a normal company, that money wouldn’t be sitting there. Managers might use it to invest in some new project, or pay down debt. If they didn’t have a use for it, they would be expected to return it to shareholders.
But ICBC isn’t a normal company. It doesn’t have debt, or the prospects of making estraordinary investments. And it’s forbidden from returning profits to the government, a principle intended to make sure no politicians starts eying ICBC as a way to boost revenues.
That leaves two options - hang on to the money, or cut rates for customers. And the purpose of ICBC is to deliver low-cost insurance to British Columbians.
There’s a case for a cushion. ICBC has been profitable 11 of the last 15 years, but it has lost as much as $250 million.
But there’s not enough volatility in ICBC’s situation to justify a $1-billion cushion. Claims have been rising fairly modestly - about three per cent a year over the last four years - and there’s no reason to expect that to change. Private insurers may grab more of the optional insurance business, hurting profits. The corporation earns about $400 million in investment income, so a weaker economy could be costly.
Still, consider all the factors and a $500-million cushion would be enough to protect drivers from any quick rate increases.
The refunds also came under quick criticism because they only applied to optional insurance policies.
ICBC has a monopoly on the mandatory basic insurance required of all drivers, which provides benefits for people hurt in crashes
But private companies are allowed to compete for optional insurance - protection against vehicle damage, or higher maximum coverage, for example.
It hasn’t been much of a competition. ICBC has about 85 per cent of the optional market, in part because it’s just easier for people to tack the coverage on to their main ICBC policy.
But the private insurers say it’s not a fair fight, despite the Liberals’ 2001 campaign pledge to introduce more competition in car insurance.
They say the Liberals still haven’t implemented important parts of a bill they passed in 2003 that would level the playing field.
And they will argue before the Public Utilities Board later this year that these optional rate cuts are unfair, claiming ICBC is shuffling profits from basic insurance to subsidize the optional policies.
That will be a tough case to make. The board has already, after a long review, approved, ICBC’s cost allocations between optional basic insurance. The corporation says it can show that its profits have come from the optional side, so those customers should get the break.
But that still leaves ICBC facing intervenors who a much bigger rate cut.
The good news is that - thanks to the Liberals - the utilities board will provide an independent review, something that was never allowed to happen under the NDP.
Footnote: The utilities board only has authority over basic insurance. That means drivers will have to trust ICBC about the fairness of the rate cuts. Vancouver Island drivers, for example, are getting smaller break; drivers in Prince George and the Peace more. The biggest savings will go to drivers with good records, driving fairly new cars.
Saturday, July 02, 2005
Thursday, June 30, 2005
Liberals kept multi-million ad budget over-runs secret
VICTORIA - Somebody hung Carole Taylor out to dry in her first big appearance as finance minister.
It was mostly a good news announcement down in the underground Press Theatre at the legislature. The Public Accounts - the final tally of the last fiscal year ‘s results - showed a record $2.6-billion surplus, a big payment on the debt and the fastest growing provincial economy last year. All in all, pretty upbeat.
But the numbers hadn’t changed much since the budget, so not much of the information was new or surprising.
And the journalists had some waiting questions.
All through the last year the Liberals refused to say how much of your money they were spending on those slick ad campaigns saying what a great job they were doing. All the information would be in the year-end Public Accounts, they promised.
Everyone knew that wasn’t true. The accounts tell you an ad firm got $2 million, or $20 million, but they don’t reveal the cost of specific campaigns - like the government ad blitz that reminded you that the Olympics are coming.
The people in government paid to worry about such things could have anticipated tough questions for Taylor about the promised ad spending information.
Especially because that morning Vancouver Sun columnist Vaughn Palmer had written about “potential embarrassment” in the numbers.
“Rumours persist that the Liberals, in their enthusiasm to tell the public about the great job they were doing, overspent the advertising budget,” wrote Palmer. “They may have found some way to hide it. But that's no way for Taylor to begin her time as finance minister.”
If you’re working for the minister - or the government - you should anticipate a problem here. Taylor is certain to be standing in front of cameras, facing difficult questions.
But when the time came, she didn’t have the answers.
Palmer was right. The Liberals had budgeted $12 million for advertising under the Public Affairs Bureau, in the premier’s office. That was down from the previous year, they said, because of the new ban on non-essential advertising in the four months before an election.
Partway through the year, Campbell and company suddenly decided that they needed to spend a lot more money on advertising. You had to be told B.C. was the best place on Earth, over and over and over.
The government could have announced that, and tapped the contingency budget for the extra $7.5 million in ad money.
But that would have meant acknowledging the over-spending before the election. So instead the premier’s office sent bills out to other ministries to cover the over-run.
That looks sneaky. And it shatters the already dubious claim that none of the advertising spending comes at the expense of patients, or students. The health ministry got a bill that it hadn’t expected, because the premier’s office wanted to spend more on ads. That’s money that could have paid for more hip surgeries.
Taylor struggled with the questions, defending the ads as necessary to encourage investment, suggesting people don’t want to know what each campaign costs and promising to look at the issue.
Two hours later, she committed to releasing the information within the next couple of days.
It was a good recovery, and a good start for Taylor’s tenure as finance minister. She put the principle of openness about how the government spends your money first, and ended the slippery secrecy around ad spending.
But a lot of questions remain.
Taylor has to wonder why no one in government thought it might be good to warn her this was an issue, so she could prepare. (And she has to wonder why she ended up explaining dubious decisions taken eight months ago in the premier’s office.)
And taxpayers have to wonder why the Liberals abandoned openness, and the principles behind their ban on pre-election advertising, and spent millions of your money on feel-good ads, all the while keeping the spending spree a secret.
Footnote: ``What this government does with taxpayers' money, wasting it on propaganda like this, is obscene. With children on surgical waiting lists, why should they be spending anything on advertising?'' Nope, not a cranky New Democrat on the latest scandal. That’s how Gordon Campbell felt about government ad campaigns when he was in opposition.
It was mostly a good news announcement down in the underground Press Theatre at the legislature. The Public Accounts - the final tally of the last fiscal year ‘s results - showed a record $2.6-billion surplus, a big payment on the debt and the fastest growing provincial economy last year. All in all, pretty upbeat.
But the numbers hadn’t changed much since the budget, so not much of the information was new or surprising.
And the journalists had some waiting questions.
All through the last year the Liberals refused to say how much of your money they were spending on those slick ad campaigns saying what a great job they were doing. All the information would be in the year-end Public Accounts, they promised.
Everyone knew that wasn’t true. The accounts tell you an ad firm got $2 million, or $20 million, but they don’t reveal the cost of specific campaigns - like the government ad blitz that reminded you that the Olympics are coming.
The people in government paid to worry about such things could have anticipated tough questions for Taylor about the promised ad spending information.
Especially because that morning Vancouver Sun columnist Vaughn Palmer had written about “potential embarrassment” in the numbers.
“Rumours persist that the Liberals, in their enthusiasm to tell the public about the great job they were doing, overspent the advertising budget,” wrote Palmer. “They may have found some way to hide it. But that's no way for Taylor to begin her time as finance minister.”
If you’re working for the minister - or the government - you should anticipate a problem here. Taylor is certain to be standing in front of cameras, facing difficult questions.
But when the time came, she didn’t have the answers.
Palmer was right. The Liberals had budgeted $12 million for advertising under the Public Affairs Bureau, in the premier’s office. That was down from the previous year, they said, because of the new ban on non-essential advertising in the four months before an election.
Partway through the year, Campbell and company suddenly decided that they needed to spend a lot more money on advertising. You had to be told B.C. was the best place on Earth, over and over and over.
The government could have announced that, and tapped the contingency budget for the extra $7.5 million in ad money.
But that would have meant acknowledging the over-spending before the election. So instead the premier’s office sent bills out to other ministries to cover the over-run.
That looks sneaky. And it shatters the already dubious claim that none of the advertising spending comes at the expense of patients, or students. The health ministry got a bill that it hadn’t expected, because the premier’s office wanted to spend more on ads. That’s money that could have paid for more hip surgeries.
Taylor struggled with the questions, defending the ads as necessary to encourage investment, suggesting people don’t want to know what each campaign costs and promising to look at the issue.
Two hours later, she committed to releasing the information within the next couple of days.
It was a good recovery, and a good start for Taylor’s tenure as finance minister. She put the principle of openness about how the government spends your money first, and ended the slippery secrecy around ad spending.
But a lot of questions remain.
Taylor has to wonder why no one in government thought it might be good to warn her this was an issue, so she could prepare. (And she has to wonder why she ended up explaining dubious decisions taken eight months ago in the premier’s office.)
And taxpayers have to wonder why the Liberals abandoned openness, and the principles behind their ban on pre-election advertising, and spent millions of your money on feel-good ads, all the while keeping the spending spree a secret.
Footnote: ``What this government does with taxpayers' money, wasting it on propaganda like this, is obscene. With children on surgical waiting lists, why should they be spending anything on advertising?'' Nope, not a cranky New Democrat on the latest scandal. That’s how Gordon Campbell felt about government ad campaigns when he was in opposition.
Wednesday, June 29, 2005
BC Hydro $120-million failure demands an inquiry
VICTORIA - The collapse of BC Hydro’s plans for a Vancouver Island power plant - and the loss of more than $120 million of your money - deserves a way closer look than it’s likely to get.
It may be that the loss of all that money, and the 11-year trail of broken relationships and misleading public statements, was just one of those management missteps. No obvious errors along the way, just a collective stumbling into disaster.
But it also may be that big mistakes were made.
This all turns into a bit of a snarl, with the necks of both NDP and Liberal governments tangled in the loops.
Flash back to 1994. Forrest Gump was the big movie, and the Harcourt government told BC Hydro to look for new power sources on Vancouver Island. Hydro started negotiations on two projects, for Port Alberni and Campbell River. After four years of talks, a gas-fired plant plant for Campbell River got the green light.
It took two more years of shuffling before Hydro pulled out of talks with Atco on an Alberni project . (That’s six years, and a tonne of money, on a project that never got built. Meanwhile, Port Alberni got caught up in a kind of Music Man dream of an aluminum smelter.)
Undaunted, BC Hydro pressed on in 2000 with a new partner, Calpine. But then Port Alberni wouldn’t deliver needed rezoning, and the dream died.
We’re up to 2002, eight years after government started the process. Hydro and Calpine look to Duke Point, south of Nanaimo. A proposal for a new undersea natural gas pipeline to supply the plant, with another private partner, is working its through approvals.
Vancouver Island’s power security is threatened, warned Hydro, unless the plant is in operation by the end of 2004. "We are on a tight time line, we have to move," said a spokesman. Otherwise, brownouts may hit and Islanders will be shivering in the dark.
Those kind of warnings start coming more frequently. Urgent need, power supply at risk, got to start taking shortcuts.
Meawhile, BC Hydro dumps Calpine - with no explanation - and says it’s going to build the plant on its own.
Enter the Liberals’ 2002 energy policy, which rightly requires the BC Utilities’ Commission to review the Duke Point plant to make sure it’s needed, and the best deal for Hydro customers.
That takes 10 months, and the commission - after hearing opposition from the big industrial power users and environmentalists - rules Hydro’s plan doesn’t serve customers well.
So, closing in on the tenth anniversary of the whole effort, Hydro abandons the gas pipeline project, gives up on building its own power plant, and calls for proposals from private companies.
The accountants do their work, and BC Hydro writes off $120 million spent on the two projects, a loss that will be tacked on to customers’ bills.
Now it’s 2005. The lights aren’t flickering, and BC Hydro has selected Pristine Power as the preferred builder-manager. The utilities commission says yes.
But then, this month, the big industrial users file one more appeal. And BC Hydro kills the project.The private partner feels betrayed. Nanaimo Mayor Gary Korpan is furious that all the work the city did is wasted.
And Hydro now says it can do without the plant - previously essential - by improving transmission cables from the mainland.
It’s not the fast ferries, but it’s in the ball park. More than 10 years of work for nothing, three private partners burned, $120 million wasted, alarmist talk about power shortages.
It is a hopelessly bad record.
Premier Gordon Campbell seems relaxed about the whole debacle. Lessons to be learned, maybe, he says, but no need for an independent inquiry.
But really, is that what he would have said in opposition?
The auditor-general needs to be on this one. Because otherwise, this could all happen again.
Footnote: The NDP started this, but the Liberals paid little attention through their first year while Hydro sank deeper into the goo on Duke Point. Consumers - giant industry and individual - pick up the costs when BC Hydro spends too much. The Liberals deserve full credit for restoring BC Utilities Commission oversight of Hydro.
It may be that the loss of all that money, and the 11-year trail of broken relationships and misleading public statements, was just one of those management missteps. No obvious errors along the way, just a collective stumbling into disaster.
But it also may be that big mistakes were made.
This all turns into a bit of a snarl, with the necks of both NDP and Liberal governments tangled in the loops.
Flash back to 1994. Forrest Gump was the big movie, and the Harcourt government told BC Hydro to look for new power sources on Vancouver Island. Hydro started negotiations on two projects, for Port Alberni and Campbell River. After four years of talks, a gas-fired plant plant for Campbell River got the green light.
It took two more years of shuffling before Hydro pulled out of talks with Atco on an Alberni project . (That’s six years, and a tonne of money, on a project that never got built. Meanwhile, Port Alberni got caught up in a kind of Music Man dream of an aluminum smelter.)
Undaunted, BC Hydro pressed on in 2000 with a new partner, Calpine. But then Port Alberni wouldn’t deliver needed rezoning, and the dream died.
We’re up to 2002, eight years after government started the process. Hydro and Calpine look to Duke Point, south of Nanaimo. A proposal for a new undersea natural gas pipeline to supply the plant, with another private partner, is working its through approvals.
Vancouver Island’s power security is threatened, warned Hydro, unless the plant is in operation by the end of 2004. "We are on a tight time line, we have to move," said a spokesman. Otherwise, brownouts may hit and Islanders will be shivering in the dark.
Those kind of warnings start coming more frequently. Urgent need, power supply at risk, got to start taking shortcuts.
Meawhile, BC Hydro dumps Calpine - with no explanation - and says it’s going to build the plant on its own.
Enter the Liberals’ 2002 energy policy, which rightly requires the BC Utilities’ Commission to review the Duke Point plant to make sure it’s needed, and the best deal for Hydro customers.
That takes 10 months, and the commission - after hearing opposition from the big industrial power users and environmentalists - rules Hydro’s plan doesn’t serve customers well.
So, closing in on the tenth anniversary of the whole effort, Hydro abandons the gas pipeline project, gives up on building its own power plant, and calls for proposals from private companies.
The accountants do their work, and BC Hydro writes off $120 million spent on the two projects, a loss that will be tacked on to customers’ bills.
Now it’s 2005. The lights aren’t flickering, and BC Hydro has selected Pristine Power as the preferred builder-manager. The utilities commission says yes.
But then, this month, the big industrial users file one more appeal. And BC Hydro kills the project.The private partner feels betrayed. Nanaimo Mayor Gary Korpan is furious that all the work the city did is wasted.
And Hydro now says it can do without the plant - previously essential - by improving transmission cables from the mainland.
It’s not the fast ferries, but it’s in the ball park. More than 10 years of work for nothing, three private partners burned, $120 million wasted, alarmist talk about power shortages.
It is a hopelessly bad record.
Premier Gordon Campbell seems relaxed about the whole debacle. Lessons to be learned, maybe, he says, but no need for an independent inquiry.
But really, is that what he would have said in opposition?
The auditor-general needs to be on this one. Because otherwise, this could all happen again.
Footnote: The NDP started this, but the Liberals paid little attention through their first year while Hydro sank deeper into the goo on Duke Point. Consumers - giant industry and individual - pick up the costs when BC Hydro spends too much. The Liberals deserve full credit for restoring BC Utilities Commission oversight of Hydro.
Tuesday, June 28, 2005
Food, cleaning woes symptoms of major health care problems
VICTORIA - Check into a hospital in B.C. today, and you’ve got a one-in-four chance of ending up in a place that’s too dirty to meet basic standards.
That’s the grim finding of a new independent audit ordered by the six health authorities around the province.
The results back up the widespread complaints that conditions have grown worse in hospitals and seniors’ care centres in B.C., and that the problems are most serious in centres where cleaning was contracted out to private corporations.
It’s not just cleanliness.
Complaints about bad food - cold, badly prepared, not nutritious, even inedible - have also been mounting. Generally, the concerns have been dismissed by government and the health authorities.
But the Vancouver Island Health Authority has just announced the astonishing news that the largest hospital kitchen in the region has been slapped with a high health hazard rating by inspectors.
And the Interior Health Authority - which got high marks in the cleanliness audit - has released a report identifying major problems with the food it is serving up to patients.
It’s a bleak picture.
I don’t really care who cooks hospital meals, whether they work for a corporation or the government, or if they are in a union. I just want to know that if someone in my family ends up in hospital or a seniors’ home, the place will be clean, the food will be OK and the services will be delivered in a cost-efficient way.
That’s not happening.
The cleanliness audits found problems across the province, with 26 per cent of the health facilities failing to meet the accepted standard. (Some of the failing grades came close, but almost clean is a lame boast.)
More than half the institutions in the Fraser Health Authority - including the Surrey Memorial Hospital, which has been subject to huge attention over infection problems - failed to meet the standards. More than half the centres on Vancouver Island fell short, and about one-quarter of the centres in the North and in the Vancouver Coastal Health Authority failed the audit.
The bright spot was the Interior Health Authority, with more than 90 per cent of facilities passing the audit.
But when it comes to food quality, the IHA has nothing to brag about. It released a report last week - credit to the authority for that - which outlined major problems.
Consider just a couple. The review found that unless they had a family member to help them, seniors in care homes waited as their meals, not great to start with, grew cold. Acute care patients were served food that was cold, and fell short of meeting nutritional requirements.
And health inspectors were worried about food safety problems.
Just as they were in the Vancouver Island Health Authority, where the main kitchen - serving several hospitals - has just received a “high hazard” rating for health violations. Kitchen staff weren’t wearing proper gear, the inspection found, and food wasn’t protected from contamination. There was “inadequate cooling and refrigerated storage of potentially hazardous foods,” temperatures weren’t monitored and the place was dirty - broken floor tiles were trapping dirt in the kitchen, while mould and mildew were taking hold on the walls near the dishwashing area. Walls were chipped to the point that inspectors feared bits of them could fall into the food.
Is contracting out to blame? The Vancouver Island Health Authority fired its food preparation staff and hired a British-based corporation, the Compass Group. People doing the work now are paid about $10 an hour, instead of the former $18. Turnover is high, and training a constant challenge.
And health regions that contracted out cleaning have far worse results than those - like the Interior - that kept the services in-house, and under their control.
These results are alarming. Patients can’t judge most aspects of their care.
But they know when the rooms are dirty, and the food grim, and the basic health care promise is being betrayed.
Footnote: The big question is why the government encouraged or forced high-speed privatization and re-organization. The Interior food review found the authority had rushed plans for central food preparation without adequate planning. Privatization deals with big corporations were pushed across the province instead of more sensibly being tested in one or two settings.
That’s the grim finding of a new independent audit ordered by the six health authorities around the province.
The results back up the widespread complaints that conditions have grown worse in hospitals and seniors’ care centres in B.C., and that the problems are most serious in centres where cleaning was contracted out to private corporations.
It’s not just cleanliness.
Complaints about bad food - cold, badly prepared, not nutritious, even inedible - have also been mounting. Generally, the concerns have been dismissed by government and the health authorities.
But the Vancouver Island Health Authority has just announced the astonishing news that the largest hospital kitchen in the region has been slapped with a high health hazard rating by inspectors.
And the Interior Health Authority - which got high marks in the cleanliness audit - has released a report identifying major problems with the food it is serving up to patients.
It’s a bleak picture.
I don’t really care who cooks hospital meals, whether they work for a corporation or the government, or if they are in a union. I just want to know that if someone in my family ends up in hospital or a seniors’ home, the place will be clean, the food will be OK and the services will be delivered in a cost-efficient way.
That’s not happening.
The cleanliness audits found problems across the province, with 26 per cent of the health facilities failing to meet the accepted standard. (Some of the failing grades came close, but almost clean is a lame boast.)
More than half the institutions in the Fraser Health Authority - including the Surrey Memorial Hospital, which has been subject to huge attention over infection problems - failed to meet the standards. More than half the centres on Vancouver Island fell short, and about one-quarter of the centres in the North and in the Vancouver Coastal Health Authority failed the audit.
The bright spot was the Interior Health Authority, with more than 90 per cent of facilities passing the audit.
But when it comes to food quality, the IHA has nothing to brag about. It released a report last week - credit to the authority for that - which outlined major problems.
Consider just a couple. The review found that unless they had a family member to help them, seniors in care homes waited as their meals, not great to start with, grew cold. Acute care patients were served food that was cold, and fell short of meeting nutritional requirements.
And health inspectors were worried about food safety problems.
Just as they were in the Vancouver Island Health Authority, where the main kitchen - serving several hospitals - has just received a “high hazard” rating for health violations. Kitchen staff weren’t wearing proper gear, the inspection found, and food wasn’t protected from contamination. There was “inadequate cooling and refrigerated storage of potentially hazardous foods,” temperatures weren’t monitored and the place was dirty - broken floor tiles were trapping dirt in the kitchen, while mould and mildew were taking hold on the walls near the dishwashing area. Walls were chipped to the point that inspectors feared bits of them could fall into the food.
Is contracting out to blame? The Vancouver Island Health Authority fired its food preparation staff and hired a British-based corporation, the Compass Group. People doing the work now are paid about $10 an hour, instead of the former $18. Turnover is high, and training a constant challenge.
And health regions that contracted out cleaning have far worse results than those - like the Interior - that kept the services in-house, and under their control.
These results are alarming. Patients can’t judge most aspects of their care.
But they know when the rooms are dirty, and the food grim, and the basic health care promise is being betrayed.
Footnote: The big question is why the government encouraged or forced high-speed privatization and re-organization. The Interior food review found the authority had rushed plans for central food preparation without adequate planning. Privatization deals with big corporations were pushed across the province instead of more sensibly being tested in one or two settings.
Wednesday, June 22, 2005
James' shadow cabinet continues moderate push
VICTORIA - Everybody got some sort of prize when Carole James announced her shadow cabinet this week, just like one of those elementary school track and field days where everyone leaves with a ribbon.
All 32 NDP MLAs got a post or position that gives them a role beyond the basic duties of an opposition backbencher.
That's an obviously smart thing to do. The NDP caucus is bigger than most people expected before the election, but still small enough that leaving out a handful of MLAs would sting.
But while everyone got jobs, James still put her stamp on the caucus by deciding who got the good jobs. And the message continued to be that the NDP is moderate, and has broken with its past.
So despite having two former health ministers to call on - Corky Evans and Mike Farnworth - James gave the main critic's job to David Cubberly, a rookie MLA from Saanich South. (Though a rookie with 12 years on municipal council and
seven years as an assistant to several cabinet ministers in the last NDP government.)
James also signalled a big emphasis on health. The Liberals eliminated junior minister positions for seniors' care and mental health and addictions. James made Cariboo South MLA Charlie Wyse critic for mental health, a natural fit given his work on mental health issues in the North. Katrine Conroy takes on seniors' health issues; she'll have lots of issues to raise given the Liberals' broken promises and missed deadlines on long-term care.Farnworth wasn't left out of the picture. He's House Leader, and will deal with
Liberal counterpart Mike de Jong on when and how things move through the legislature. It's an encouraging pairing; the two could deliver on both party leaders' claims they would like to see a more productive, positive atmosphere
in the House.
Evans ends up with energy and mines. That's an important post for his Kootenay region, where coal and coalbed methane development plans are sparking protests. But it's not a prime post.
There other early winners. Adrian Dix, the former Glen Clark strategist, is the children and families' ministry critic, a tough but important job. Jenny Kwan gets finance, facing off against Carole Taylor. Shane Simpson, a Vancouver rookie with experience in sustainability issues, gets environment.
John Horgan - another former NDP government staffer - gets education, and Scott Fraser, from Alberni-Qualicum, is the aboriginal affairs critic.
But not everyone fared so well. Yale-Lillooet MLA Harry Lali, a fervent Clark loyalist to the end, is critic for citizen services, a tiny part of Mike de Jong's labour ministry.
And some MLAs seem underemployed, like Powell River MLA Nicholas Simons, critic for tourism, sports and the arts, and Gregor Robertson, in advanced education.
James said she asked the MLAs to do written reports on their areas of interest, why they believed they were qualified to tackle those issues and the goals that should be set. She then interviewed them before naming the shadow cabinet.
Expect lots of changes in the line-up. James said the NDP caucus support staff - despite a much larger budget - is still small enough that she's expecting the critics to do effective research on their own.
And it's hard to predict which MLAs are going to emerge as effective critics, holding ministers to account in the legislature and getting the party's position across in the media. It takes a special set of skills to do the job
well.
But the critics start with a couple of advantages. By the time the legislature resumes in September, they'll have a wide range of issues and problems to raise.
And they will be facing Liberal ministers who are just as green as they are. Only Children and Families Minister Stan Hagen and Income Assistance Minister Claude Richmond have face a real opposition. The rest are in for a new, and
challenging experience.
It's going to be a more interesting, and more effective, legislature.
Footnote: James disputed Gordon Campbell's claim that he had consulted with her on the choice of Bill Barisoff as Speaker; Campbell just gave her the news in a brief call 20 minutes before his cabinet announcement. But she noted she had
found Barisoff reasonable when they were both school trustees; he'll likely have NDP support when MLAs formerly elect the Speaker.
All 32 NDP MLAs got a post or position that gives them a role beyond the basic duties of an opposition backbencher.
That's an obviously smart thing to do. The NDP caucus is bigger than most people expected before the election, but still small enough that leaving out a handful of MLAs would sting.
But while everyone got jobs, James still put her stamp on the caucus by deciding who got the good jobs. And the message continued to be that the NDP is moderate, and has broken with its past.
So despite having two former health ministers to call on - Corky Evans and Mike Farnworth - James gave the main critic's job to David Cubberly, a rookie MLA from Saanich South. (Though a rookie with 12 years on municipal council and
seven years as an assistant to several cabinet ministers in the last NDP government.)
James also signalled a big emphasis on health. The Liberals eliminated junior minister positions for seniors' care and mental health and addictions. James made Cariboo South MLA Charlie Wyse critic for mental health, a natural fit given his work on mental health issues in the North. Katrine Conroy takes on seniors' health issues; she'll have lots of issues to raise given the Liberals' broken promises and missed deadlines on long-term care.Farnworth wasn't left out of the picture. He's House Leader, and will deal with
Liberal counterpart Mike de Jong on when and how things move through the legislature. It's an encouraging pairing; the two could deliver on both party leaders' claims they would like to see a more productive, positive atmosphere
in the House.
Evans ends up with energy and mines. That's an important post for his Kootenay region, where coal and coalbed methane development plans are sparking protests. But it's not a prime post.
There other early winners. Adrian Dix, the former Glen Clark strategist, is the children and families' ministry critic, a tough but important job. Jenny Kwan gets finance, facing off against Carole Taylor. Shane Simpson, a Vancouver rookie with experience in sustainability issues, gets environment.
John Horgan - another former NDP government staffer - gets education, and Scott Fraser, from Alberni-Qualicum, is the aboriginal affairs critic.
But not everyone fared so well. Yale-Lillooet MLA Harry Lali, a fervent Clark loyalist to the end, is critic for citizen services, a tiny part of Mike de Jong's labour ministry.
And some MLAs seem underemployed, like Powell River MLA Nicholas Simons, critic for tourism, sports and the arts, and Gregor Robertson, in advanced education.
James said she asked the MLAs to do written reports on their areas of interest, why they believed they were qualified to tackle those issues and the goals that should be set. She then interviewed them before naming the shadow cabinet.
Expect lots of changes in the line-up. James said the NDP caucus support staff - despite a much larger budget - is still small enough that she's expecting the critics to do effective research on their own.
And it's hard to predict which MLAs are going to emerge as effective critics, holding ministers to account in the legislature and getting the party's position across in the media. It takes a special set of skills to do the job
well.
But the critics start with a couple of advantages. By the time the legislature resumes in September, they'll have a wide range of issues and problems to raise.
And they will be facing Liberal ministers who are just as green as they are. Only Children and Families Minister Stan Hagen and Income Assistance Minister Claude Richmond have face a real opposition. The rest are in for a new, and
challenging experience.
It's going to be a more interesting, and more effective, legislature.
Footnote: James disputed Gordon Campbell's claim that he had consulted with her on the choice of Bill Barisoff as Speaker; Campbell just gave her the news in a brief call 20 minutes before his cabinet announcement. But she noted she had
found Barisoff reasonable when they were both school trustees; he'll likely have NDP support when MLAs formerly elect the Speaker.
Monday, June 20, 2005
Abbott faces quick test from clinics pushing two-tier care
VICTORIA - A posh Vancouver clinic that promises better health care - for a steep annual price - is going to be one of the first tests for new Health Minister George Abbott. .
The Copeman Healthcare Centre is pushing the boundaries for two-tier care, promising an elegant waiting room, Internet access and most importantly "unparalleled levels of patient care."
The centre, set to open this fall, sounds great. But to get the benefits, you'll have to come up with a $1,700 initiation fee, and $2,300 a year. (Tax-deductible, of course.)
It may well be worth it, for those with the money.
But their gain comes at the expense of the rest of British Columbians.
The clinic is selling is access to better health care. Salaried doctors will see a dozen patients a day, instead of the typical 30 or 40. They will work on keeping clients healthy and do lots of testing to allow early diagnosis of problems.
But there is - or should be - a problem. The intent of the Canada Health Act is to prevent some people from slipping doctors, or hospitals, a big tip to make sure they get faster, better care. So far, Canadians have agreed that health care should be delivered on the basis of need, not on who can write the biggest cheque.
That principle has been steadily eroded, in B.C., and across Canada. Both NDP and Liberal governments in this province have turned a blind eye to the increasing number of private surgical clinics. The clinics offer paying customers - like Environment Minister Barry Penner - a chance to jump the queue and get speedier treatment, for a hefty price.
The Copeman clinic is a bid to take two-tier care to the next level, offering better basic health care for people with money, while still collecting from the Medical Services Plan at the same time.
Abbott will have to decide whether the clinic is legal, and two-tier health care is in the best interest of British Columbians.
Ministry staff met clinic owner Dan Copeman last week, but so far the government has taken no position on the private care centre.
That's surprising.
The clinic, and others like it, will actually ensure British Columbians who can't pay will get poorer treatment than they do today. (Effectively increasing the market for private clinics.)
Look at just one aspect, the effect on the doctor shortage in B.C.
The clinic wants to hire 12 doctors from within the province by the time it starts operations. Right now those doctors are practicing somewhere, and typically providing care to about 15,000 British Columbians.
But the clinic promises doctors will see one-quarter the number of patients.
Not only will the 15,000 patients lose their doctors, but the overall capacity of the system will be reduced, in order to improve the care for a small number paying a premium for better care. Some 200,000 people in the province can't find a family doctor today, and BCMA head Dr. Michael Golbey says the clinic will make the problem worse.
And there is the basic underlying principle.
So far, Canadians have agreed that equal access to health care is part of a fair society. We've said that if two children are sick, they both deserve the same treatment. Having parents with less money shouldn't mean a greater risk of sickness and death, or second-class medical treatment.
The clinic violates that basic principle. If parents register, their children are also covered. They receive the same promise of superior treatment.
The track record of B.C. governments is not good in this area.
Private surgical clinics opened under the NDP, and grew to more than two dozen under the Liberals. They provide faster treatment for thousands of people who can pay to jump the queue, while waits in the public system have risen.
The government has taken no action.
British Columbians will find out quickly if Abbott is prepared to act, where his predecessors waffled.
Footnote: Private clinics are proving that people are willing to pay more money for better health care. In this case, they are paying directly. But their willingness could equally extend to higher taxes -- if they were convinced the money would result in benefits to them. (The clinics will automatically push up overall health care costs.)
The Copeman Healthcare Centre is pushing the boundaries for two-tier care, promising an elegant waiting room, Internet access and most importantly "unparalleled levels of patient care."
The centre, set to open this fall, sounds great. But to get the benefits, you'll have to come up with a $1,700 initiation fee, and $2,300 a year. (Tax-deductible, of course.)
It may well be worth it, for those with the money.
But their gain comes at the expense of the rest of British Columbians.
The clinic is selling is access to better health care. Salaried doctors will see a dozen patients a day, instead of the typical 30 or 40. They will work on keeping clients healthy and do lots of testing to allow early diagnosis of problems.
But there is - or should be - a problem. The intent of the Canada Health Act is to prevent some people from slipping doctors, or hospitals, a big tip to make sure they get faster, better care. So far, Canadians have agreed that health care should be delivered on the basis of need, not on who can write the biggest cheque.
That principle has been steadily eroded, in B.C., and across Canada. Both NDP and Liberal governments in this province have turned a blind eye to the increasing number of private surgical clinics. The clinics offer paying customers - like Environment Minister Barry Penner - a chance to jump the queue and get speedier treatment, for a hefty price.
The Copeman clinic is a bid to take two-tier care to the next level, offering better basic health care for people with money, while still collecting from the Medical Services Plan at the same time.
Abbott will have to decide whether the clinic is legal, and two-tier health care is in the best interest of British Columbians.
Ministry staff met clinic owner Dan Copeman last week, but so far the government has taken no position on the private care centre.
That's surprising.
The clinic, and others like it, will actually ensure British Columbians who can't pay will get poorer treatment than they do today. (Effectively increasing the market for private clinics.)
Look at just one aspect, the effect on the doctor shortage in B.C.
The clinic wants to hire 12 doctors from within the province by the time it starts operations. Right now those doctors are practicing somewhere, and typically providing care to about 15,000 British Columbians.
But the clinic promises doctors will see one-quarter the number of patients.
Not only will the 15,000 patients lose their doctors, but the overall capacity of the system will be reduced, in order to improve the care for a small number paying a premium for better care. Some 200,000 people in the province can't find a family doctor today, and BCMA head Dr. Michael Golbey says the clinic will make the problem worse.
And there is the basic underlying principle.
So far, Canadians have agreed that equal access to health care is part of a fair society. We've said that if two children are sick, they both deserve the same treatment. Having parents with less money shouldn't mean a greater risk of sickness and death, or second-class medical treatment.
The clinic violates that basic principle. If parents register, their children are also covered. They receive the same promise of superior treatment.
The track record of B.C. governments is not good in this area.
Private surgical clinics opened under the NDP, and grew to more than two dozen under the Liberals. They provide faster treatment for thousands of people who can pay to jump the queue, while waits in the public system have risen.
The government has taken no action.
British Columbians will find out quickly if Abbott is prepared to act, where his predecessors waffled.
Footnote: Private clinics are proving that people are willing to pay more money for better health care. In this case, they are paying directly. But their willingness could equally extend to higher taxes -- if they were convinced the money would result in benefits to them. (The clinics will automatically push up overall health care costs.)
Thursday, June 16, 2005
Cabinet signals a different Liberal government
VICTORIA - It's a different looking Liberal government today than it was four years ago - or even 24 hours ago.
Gordon Campbell's cabinet has lots of new faces, and new ministries.
People who weren't around four years ago - like Carole Taylor, the new finance minister, and Wally Oppal, the new attorney general - have moved into key jobs.
Ministries that were important four years ago - competition, science and enterprise, management services, sustainable resources, long-term care - have vanished.
And new ones have popped up. B.C. now once again has an environment ministry, with perennial bridesmaid Barry Penner at the helm. Colin Hansen heads up a new economic development ministry, with responsibility for cashing in on the booming Asia-Pacific markets and the Olympics. Campbell says Hansen's role in his new job will likely be more sweeping than it was in finance.
And the Liberals - the people who started their first term with a destructive referendum on First Nations' treaties - have now created a whole new ministry of aboriginal relations and reconciliation.
Campbell hopes to make better relations with First Nations - starting with a willingness to recognize the need for government-to-government talks - a critical part of the this term, and a cornerstone of economic progress.
It's good that organizations adapt to changing circumstances, and learn from mistakes. But it also means things are going to be confused in government for a while, as people try to figure out who they now work for.
One of Campbell's challenges this time around was to come up with a balanced cabinet, one that represented all British Columbians.
He faced some immediate problems, starting with the number of defeated LIberal candidates outside the Lower Mainland.
Regional balance did get a good boost with George Abbott's big promotion to health minister. The Salmon Arm MLA joked about emerging from his "cloak of obscurity," but he has a chance - as Campbell noted - to respond to concerns that health care has deteriorated most sharply in smaller centres under the Liberals. And he faces the big challenge of responding to the Supreme Court of Canada ruling that it is wrong for governments to ration care, causing suffering and even death as waits for treatment climb.
Tom Christensen's new role in aboriginal relations also gives the Okanagan region a prime seat at the cabinet table, and Richard Neufeld stays in energy and mines, supported by newly appointed Kootenay MLA Bill Bennett, who becomes the junior minister for mining.
But a lot of the big jobs - attorney general, finance, economic development, forests, labour, transportation - will be filled by ministers from the Lower Mainland.
Even forests will be taken on by Rich Coleman, who represents the Vancouver suburb of Langley. It's a big challenge for Coleman. Red-hot U.S. markets have helped disguise some of the fundamental problems facing B.C's forest sector; things are likely to become more challenging on his watch.
(Coleman's move creates a big opportunity for John Les, who takes over as solicitor general and picks up responsibility for gambling, alcohol sales and ICBC. It also heads off potential conflicts between Oppal and Coleman, who differ on many policing and justice issues.)
One area of welcome stability is children and families. Stan Hagen made it clear that he wanted to stay in the challenging ministry, and he got his wish. The often-troubled ministry needs his experience and commitment after a rough ride through much of the Liberals' first four years.
Regional balance isn't the only issue. The number of women in cabinet has dropped from nine to five, with only two - Taylor and new Education Minister Shirley Bond - in key posts.
The verdict overall?
It's much too soon to say, really, with too many unknown details.
But at first glance Campbell appears to have done a good job of building a solid cabinet out of the materials at hand.
Footnote: Campbell pledged some sort of action on electoral reform, but it's unclear what. He noted that the single-transferable-vote system got more support than any political party in B.C., but left vague his plans for addressing the public's desire for change. It would be on the agenda when he meets Carole James later this month, he said.
Gordon Campbell's cabinet has lots of new faces, and new ministries.
People who weren't around four years ago - like Carole Taylor, the new finance minister, and Wally Oppal, the new attorney general - have moved into key jobs.
Ministries that were important four years ago - competition, science and enterprise, management services, sustainable resources, long-term care - have vanished.
And new ones have popped up. B.C. now once again has an environment ministry, with perennial bridesmaid Barry Penner at the helm. Colin Hansen heads up a new economic development ministry, with responsibility for cashing in on the booming Asia-Pacific markets and the Olympics. Campbell says Hansen's role in his new job will likely be more sweeping than it was in finance.
And the Liberals - the people who started their first term with a destructive referendum on First Nations' treaties - have now created a whole new ministry of aboriginal relations and reconciliation.
Campbell hopes to make better relations with First Nations - starting with a willingness to recognize the need for government-to-government talks - a critical part of the this term, and a cornerstone of economic progress.
It's good that organizations adapt to changing circumstances, and learn from mistakes. But it also means things are going to be confused in government for a while, as people try to figure out who they now work for.
One of Campbell's challenges this time around was to come up with a balanced cabinet, one that represented all British Columbians.
He faced some immediate problems, starting with the number of defeated LIberal candidates outside the Lower Mainland.
Regional balance did get a good boost with George Abbott's big promotion to health minister. The Salmon Arm MLA joked about emerging from his "cloak of obscurity," but he has a chance - as Campbell noted - to respond to concerns that health care has deteriorated most sharply in smaller centres under the Liberals. And he faces the big challenge of responding to the Supreme Court of Canada ruling that it is wrong for governments to ration care, causing suffering and even death as waits for treatment climb.
Tom Christensen's new role in aboriginal relations also gives the Okanagan region a prime seat at the cabinet table, and Richard Neufeld stays in energy and mines, supported by newly appointed Kootenay MLA Bill Bennett, who becomes the junior minister for mining.
But a lot of the big jobs - attorney general, finance, economic development, forests, labour, transportation - will be filled by ministers from the Lower Mainland.
Even forests will be taken on by Rich Coleman, who represents the Vancouver suburb of Langley. It's a big challenge for Coleman. Red-hot U.S. markets have helped disguise some of the fundamental problems facing B.C's forest sector; things are likely to become more challenging on his watch.
(Coleman's move creates a big opportunity for John Les, who takes over as solicitor general and picks up responsibility for gambling, alcohol sales and ICBC. It also heads off potential conflicts between Oppal and Coleman, who differ on many policing and justice issues.)
One area of welcome stability is children and families. Stan Hagen made it clear that he wanted to stay in the challenging ministry, and he got his wish. The often-troubled ministry needs his experience and commitment after a rough ride through much of the Liberals' first four years.
Regional balance isn't the only issue. The number of women in cabinet has dropped from nine to five, with only two - Taylor and new Education Minister Shirley Bond - in key posts.
The verdict overall?
It's much too soon to say, really, with too many unknown details.
But at first glance Campbell appears to have done a good job of building a solid cabinet out of the materials at hand.
Footnote: Campbell pledged some sort of action on electoral reform, but it's unclear what. He noted that the single-transferable-vote system got more support than any political party in B.C., but left vague his plans for addressing the public's desire for change. It would be on the agenda when he meets Carole James later this month, he said.
Monday, June 13, 2005
Supreme Court put governments on notice on deadly surgical waits
VICTORIA - That big Supreme Court ruling doesn't mean the end of medicare.
Unless governments decide that's what they want.
The judgment simply said that if governments fail to deliver reasonable care, then people have the right to go elsewhere.
And the court found that governments have allowed the health care system to deteriorate so badly that reasonable care is no longer available.
Government policies have meant that people are suffering terribly, and dying, as a result of long waits for surgery and other treatment, the justices ruled. "A health care service that does not attain an acceptable level of quality of care cannot be regarded as a genuine health care service," the court found.
And under those circumstances, the justices ruled in a four-to-three decision, the Quebec charter of rights gives individuals the freedom to go and buy private insurance to guarantee care.
The judgment was a damning indictment of governments across Canada.
People are suffering "physical and psychological suffering and risk of death" due to long waits, the court found. "There is unchallenged evidence that in some serious cases patients die as a result of waiting lists for public health care."
Governments now face two choices.
They can make the public system work, by delivering reasonable care.
Or they can continue down the current path, knowing they are ensuring that people with money will be able to buy treatment while average citizens risk suffering and death as they wait for care.
Governments will likely stall for a while longer. Premier Gordon Campbell says the case shows the need to "modernize" the Canada Health Act, reducing the government's responsibility for providing care. Federal Health Minister Ujjal Dosanjh promised wait time guidelines by the end of the year.
The Supreme Court justices anticipated the politicians' responses.
"Governments have promised on numerous occasions to find a solution to the problem of waiting lists," the judgment noted. Despite all the talk, "governments have lost sight of the urgency of taking concrete action."
No kidding. In B.C., median waits for 11 types of non-emergency surgery have risen over the past four years; they have fallen for only five types. People are waiting one-third longer for knee replacements than they were four years ago. The LIberals, in opposition, complained those waits were too long.
The current ruling only applies to Quebec. The Supreme Court was split three to three, with one abstention, on whether the Canadian charter of rights carries the same implicit right to private surgery when governments don't provide reasonable care.
But it would be foolish for governments to stall.
Ultimately, the solution is simple. Governments need to define basic health care, including issues like how long someone must suffer while waiting for surgery, and how cases will be given priority. And then they need to deliver that level of care.
It will be tough for governments to dodge the issue, given the court ruling and the potential political consequences of coming out against equal access to health care.
Canadians have accepted that children from a poorer family are entitled to the same level of care as their wealthier neighbours. They recognize that if a shortage of doctors and nurses is one cause of the long waits, then the shift of medical staff to a parallel private system will make things worse for those who can't afford private care.
And they know that allowing two-tier care does nothing to reduce health care costs; it simply changes the way the services are paid for, and who gets treatment. In fact overall health spending would rise.
The Supreme Court did Canadians a great service by setting out the issue clearly.
Governments have failed to deliver acceptable health care, and refused even to offer a definition of what standard of care people have a right to expect. People have suffered as a result, and the problem is growing worse.
Now is is time for them to act.
Footnote: The Supreme Court noted that many European countries maintain successfully maintain side-by-side public and private insurance systems. But in each European example, a commitment to an excellent public health care system was the starting point, and the reason that the public system continued to be popular.
Unless governments decide that's what they want.
The judgment simply said that if governments fail to deliver reasonable care, then people have the right to go elsewhere.
And the court found that governments have allowed the health care system to deteriorate so badly that reasonable care is no longer available.
Government policies have meant that people are suffering terribly, and dying, as a result of long waits for surgery and other treatment, the justices ruled. "A health care service that does not attain an acceptable level of quality of care cannot be regarded as a genuine health care service," the court found.
And under those circumstances, the justices ruled in a four-to-three decision, the Quebec charter of rights gives individuals the freedom to go and buy private insurance to guarantee care.
The judgment was a damning indictment of governments across Canada.
People are suffering "physical and psychological suffering and risk of death" due to long waits, the court found. "There is unchallenged evidence that in some serious cases patients die as a result of waiting lists for public health care."
Governments now face two choices.
They can make the public system work, by delivering reasonable care.
Or they can continue down the current path, knowing they are ensuring that people with money will be able to buy treatment while average citizens risk suffering and death as they wait for care.
Governments will likely stall for a while longer. Premier Gordon Campbell says the case shows the need to "modernize" the Canada Health Act, reducing the government's responsibility for providing care. Federal Health Minister Ujjal Dosanjh promised wait time guidelines by the end of the year.
The Supreme Court justices anticipated the politicians' responses.
"Governments have promised on numerous occasions to find a solution to the problem of waiting lists," the judgment noted. Despite all the talk, "governments have lost sight of the urgency of taking concrete action."
No kidding. In B.C., median waits for 11 types of non-emergency surgery have risen over the past four years; they have fallen for only five types. People are waiting one-third longer for knee replacements than they were four years ago. The LIberals, in opposition, complained those waits were too long.
The current ruling only applies to Quebec. The Supreme Court was split three to three, with one abstention, on whether the Canadian charter of rights carries the same implicit right to private surgery when governments don't provide reasonable care.
But it would be foolish for governments to stall.
Ultimately, the solution is simple. Governments need to define basic health care, including issues like how long someone must suffer while waiting for surgery, and how cases will be given priority. And then they need to deliver that level of care.
It will be tough for governments to dodge the issue, given the court ruling and the potential political consequences of coming out against equal access to health care.
Canadians have accepted that children from a poorer family are entitled to the same level of care as their wealthier neighbours. They recognize that if a shortage of doctors and nurses is one cause of the long waits, then the shift of medical staff to a parallel private system will make things worse for those who can't afford private care.
And they know that allowing two-tier care does nothing to reduce health care costs; it simply changes the way the services are paid for, and who gets treatment. In fact overall health spending would rise.
The Supreme Court did Canadians a great service by setting out the issue clearly.
Governments have failed to deliver acceptable health care, and refused even to offer a definition of what standard of care people have a right to expect. People have suffered as a result, and the problem is growing worse.
Now is is time for them to act.
Footnote: The Supreme Court noted that many European countries maintain successfully maintain side-by-side public and private insurance systems. But in each European example, a commitment to an excellent public health care system was the starting point, and the reason that the public system continued to be popular.
Friday, June 10, 2005
Liberals trip over 10-per-cent MLA raise
VICTORIA – It’s probably not a good sign when a new government stumbles in its first day on the job.
The Liberal caucus, old hands and first-time MLAs, headed to the legislature for their first caucus meeting last week. They took the oath of office in the impressive red-carpeted chamber, posing for pictures and leaving with their official MLA lapel pins, an especially handy identifier until security guards learn to recognize their faces.
During a break, the media-shy Gordon Campbell held a press conference in his office. Asked about raises for MLAs by an alert Canadian Press reporter, he allowed that the things have changed.
Liberal MLAs took a five-per-cent pay cut in their base pay in 2002, a gesture that saved government about $300,000 a year. MLAs’ pay increases each year based on the consumer price index and average weekly wages. The Liberals turned those down as well.
But it’s a new legislature, Campbell said, and time to end the restraint.
Just don’t call it a pay increase. "They didn't get a pay raise," Campbell insisted. "It's a signal that this is a new legislature. They took a cut for four years."
Some reporters left the premier’s office thinking Liberal MLAs had got a five-per-cent raise.
But no. Reverse the five-per-cent rollback, and add in the annual increase the Liberals had forsaken, and the real increase is 10.1 per cent. Liberal MLAs were paid a base of $68,500. Now they’ll get an extra $135 a week – before taxes – or $75,400 a year.
And while Campbell might not consider that a raise, most of us would think a bigger cheque every two weeks equals a pay increase.
The catch-up had to come. New Democrats Joy MacPhail and Jenny Kwan didn’t join in the Liberals’ gesture. The prospect that the 33 New Democrat MLAs would be paid 10.1 per cent more than their Liberal counterparts is bizarre.
But it seemed a bumbling, catch us if you can way to get the information out. Why not a proper, informative release with the new pay rate, supported by the argument that the government can now afford to pay MLAs a bit more?
There are consequences to that position. Government workers who have accepted a wage freeze – or seen contracting out and wage cuts - would wonder if they too were due for big catch-up raises.
As the MLAs filed into the red-carpeted chamber, I wasn’t thinking about their rate of pay, and I’m sure they weren’t either.
It’s a big deal to be elected as the representative from your region. A big honor, a big responsibility and a big day.
And generally, the job represents a big sacrifice. MLAs – especially in smaller communities – are constantly on call. They are away from home for about one-quarter of the year. They abandon their career. The have zero job security, and a mediocre pension. And many take a big pay cut to serve.
Whatever the party, or the quirks of the individual, we owe them. And of all the shots at provincial politicians, the most unfair and ridiculous is the claim they are in it for the money. Some would make three times as much in another job; all of them are making large trade-offs. The pay is not bad, but I’m not sure it is enough for what we expect from these people.
I suppose a few MLAs were wondering that as well when they learned that Jeff Bray, the former Liberal MLA defeated by NDP leader Carole James, would be paid more than $90,000 in his new job as executive director of the Liberal caucus. It’s a rare job market where defeat means a 35-per-cent pay jump.
The Liberals did a poor job of presenting the MLAs’ pay raise.
But don’t let that affect your attitude towards your own representative. These people – NDP and Liberal – have taken on a tough job, and deserve full credit.
Footnote: Campbell got lots of cheering and applause when he strode in to the caucus meeting. But the 46 MLAs this time couldn’t make quite as much noise as the 77 elected in 2001. And not all the defeated Liberals share the enthusiasm for the Liberal campaign effort.
The Liberal caucus, old hands and first-time MLAs, headed to the legislature for their first caucus meeting last week. They took the oath of office in the impressive red-carpeted chamber, posing for pictures and leaving with their official MLA lapel pins, an especially handy identifier until security guards learn to recognize their faces.
During a break, the media-shy Gordon Campbell held a press conference in his office. Asked about raises for MLAs by an alert Canadian Press reporter, he allowed that the things have changed.
Liberal MLAs took a five-per-cent pay cut in their base pay in 2002, a gesture that saved government about $300,000 a year. MLAs’ pay increases each year based on the consumer price index and average weekly wages. The Liberals turned those down as well.
But it’s a new legislature, Campbell said, and time to end the restraint.
Just don’t call it a pay increase. "They didn't get a pay raise," Campbell insisted. "It's a signal that this is a new legislature. They took a cut for four years."
Some reporters left the premier’s office thinking Liberal MLAs had got a five-per-cent raise.
But no. Reverse the five-per-cent rollback, and add in the annual increase the Liberals had forsaken, and the real increase is 10.1 per cent. Liberal MLAs were paid a base of $68,500. Now they’ll get an extra $135 a week – before taxes – or $75,400 a year.
And while Campbell might not consider that a raise, most of us would think a bigger cheque every two weeks equals a pay increase.
The catch-up had to come. New Democrats Joy MacPhail and Jenny Kwan didn’t join in the Liberals’ gesture. The prospect that the 33 New Democrat MLAs would be paid 10.1 per cent more than their Liberal counterparts is bizarre.
But it seemed a bumbling, catch us if you can way to get the information out. Why not a proper, informative release with the new pay rate, supported by the argument that the government can now afford to pay MLAs a bit more?
There are consequences to that position. Government workers who have accepted a wage freeze – or seen contracting out and wage cuts - would wonder if they too were due for big catch-up raises.
As the MLAs filed into the red-carpeted chamber, I wasn’t thinking about their rate of pay, and I’m sure they weren’t either.
It’s a big deal to be elected as the representative from your region. A big honor, a big responsibility and a big day.
And generally, the job represents a big sacrifice. MLAs – especially in smaller communities – are constantly on call. They are away from home for about one-quarter of the year. They abandon their career. The have zero job security, and a mediocre pension. And many take a big pay cut to serve.
Whatever the party, or the quirks of the individual, we owe them. And of all the shots at provincial politicians, the most unfair and ridiculous is the claim they are in it for the money. Some would make three times as much in another job; all of them are making large trade-offs. The pay is not bad, but I’m not sure it is enough for what we expect from these people.
I suppose a few MLAs were wondering that as well when they learned that Jeff Bray, the former Liberal MLA defeated by NDP leader Carole James, would be paid more than $90,000 in his new job as executive director of the Liberal caucus. It’s a rare job market where defeat means a 35-per-cent pay jump.
The Liberals did a poor job of presenting the MLAs’ pay raise.
But don’t let that affect your attitude towards your own representative. These people – NDP and Liberal – have taken on a tough job, and deserve full credit.
Footnote: Campbell got lots of cheering and applause when he strode in to the caucus meeting. But the 46 MLAs this time couldn’t make quite as much noise as the 77 elected in 2001. And not all the defeated Liberals share the enthusiasm for the Liberal campaign effort.
Thursday, June 09, 2005
Government betrayed public in salmon-cancer scandal
VICTORIA - The B.C. government discovered in March that salmon from a fish farm were contaminated with malachite green, a cancer-causing fungicide.
By the time fisheries ministry tests found the problem, Stolt Sea Farms had already sent about 100 tonnes to stores and restaurants, in Canada, the U.S. and Asia.
But no one from the ministry, or the company, thought that was something you should know about as you shopped for groceries.
The provincial government notified the Canadian Food Inspection Agency. But although federal regulations ban the sale of food products with any malachite green contamination, the agency decided this was only a Class 2 health risk, which meant no public recall was needed. The Class 2 assessment means the agency decided that at worst eating the fish would "lead to temporary or non-life-threatening health consequences, or that the probability of serious adverse consequences is considered remote."
Stolt was told to try and get the salmon back. No one told you anything.
Ultimately about one-third of the fish made it on to people's plates, some 200,000 servings, laced with a carcinogen.
I accept the agency's analysis of the small health risk. While Canada and the U.S. don't allow any malachite green contamination, Japan allows five parts per billion, and the European Union two parts per billion. The highest contamination in the tested fish was 1.3 parts per billion. If you were Swiss, you could be eating more fungicide with every farmed salmon dinner. There was likely no harm done.
Unless you count the damage to the basic trust between citizen and government.
The provincial and federal governments knew that contaminated farmed salmon was on the market. But they chose not to tell you.
We tend to worry that the state will turn into Big Brother in active ways, peering into our lives, telling us what to do, limiting our freedoms.
But Big Brother can crush our basic right to control our lives simply by withholding information.
Lots of people would happily barbecue the contaminated salmon.
But others people spend money on bottled water, and shop out healthy foods. And those people were betrayed by governments that denied them the information they needed to make an informed choice. They ate food that they would never have knowingly consumed.
It's not in the public interest to keep this information secret. You benefit from the facts, and the chance to make your own decisions.
So why the secrecy?
The governments may have placed the interests of the company, or the industry, ahead of the consumer. The provincial Liberals may have recognized that an announcement that contaminated farmed salmon were on the market would hurt their election chances. (They lost every seat with a significant fish farming industry anyway.) And of course incompetence and bad judgment should never ruled out as a cause.
But the end result was that both governments knew people were buying salmon laced with a substance banned because it's a cancer risk.
And they didn't tell you.
I've been a booster of aquaculture. The science I've seen suggests that done right, and properly regulated, fish farms can provide jobs and produce a valuable commodity, without unreasonable consequences. (I expect a beating from Rafe Mair in our Monday morning radio session for that paragraph.)
But the actions of government, and the companies, have made the industry almost impossible to defend.
Stolt is part of the world's largest aquaculture company. Its managers and PR consultants should know that since 1982, and the Tylenol tampering deaths, the correct crisis response for any corporation has been clear. Acknowledge the issue. Tell people what you are doing about it. Err on the side of caution.
Stolt didn't the public. And it still hopes to sell the contaminated fish overseas.
But the real betrayal is by both governments. They knew contaminated fish were being sold, and chose not to tell you.
And that raises the obvious question - how often have governments put the interest of the industry ahead of the public?
Footnote: The industry faces other challenges, over sea lice and the spread of disease to wild stocks. Next week's cabinet shuffle will likely see a new minister on the file, and perhaps a hiving off of the fisheries component of the agriculture, food and fisheries ministry.
By the time fisheries ministry tests found the problem, Stolt Sea Farms had already sent about 100 tonnes to stores and restaurants, in Canada, the U.S. and Asia.
But no one from the ministry, or the company, thought that was something you should know about as you shopped for groceries.
The provincial government notified the Canadian Food Inspection Agency. But although federal regulations ban the sale of food products with any malachite green contamination, the agency decided this was only a Class 2 health risk, which meant no public recall was needed. The Class 2 assessment means the agency decided that at worst eating the fish would "lead to temporary or non-life-threatening health consequences, or that the probability of serious adverse consequences is considered remote."
Stolt was told to try and get the salmon back. No one told you anything.
Ultimately about one-third of the fish made it on to people's plates, some 200,000 servings, laced with a carcinogen.
I accept the agency's analysis of the small health risk. While Canada and the U.S. don't allow any malachite green contamination, Japan allows five parts per billion, and the European Union two parts per billion. The highest contamination in the tested fish was 1.3 parts per billion. If you were Swiss, you could be eating more fungicide with every farmed salmon dinner. There was likely no harm done.
Unless you count the damage to the basic trust between citizen and government.
The provincial and federal governments knew that contaminated farmed salmon was on the market. But they chose not to tell you.
We tend to worry that the state will turn into Big Brother in active ways, peering into our lives, telling us what to do, limiting our freedoms.
But Big Brother can crush our basic right to control our lives simply by withholding information.
Lots of people would happily barbecue the contaminated salmon.
But others people spend money on bottled water, and shop out healthy foods. And those people were betrayed by governments that denied them the information they needed to make an informed choice. They ate food that they would never have knowingly consumed.
It's not in the public interest to keep this information secret. You benefit from the facts, and the chance to make your own decisions.
So why the secrecy?
The governments may have placed the interests of the company, or the industry, ahead of the consumer. The provincial Liberals may have recognized that an announcement that contaminated farmed salmon were on the market would hurt their election chances. (They lost every seat with a significant fish farming industry anyway.) And of course incompetence and bad judgment should never ruled out as a cause.
But the end result was that both governments knew people were buying salmon laced with a substance banned because it's a cancer risk.
And they didn't tell you.
I've been a booster of aquaculture. The science I've seen suggests that done right, and properly regulated, fish farms can provide jobs and produce a valuable commodity, without unreasonable consequences. (I expect a beating from Rafe Mair in our Monday morning radio session for that paragraph.)
But the actions of government, and the companies, have made the industry almost impossible to defend.
Stolt is part of the world's largest aquaculture company. Its managers and PR consultants should know that since 1982, and the Tylenol tampering deaths, the correct crisis response for any corporation has been clear. Acknowledge the issue. Tell people what you are doing about it. Err on the side of caution.
Stolt didn't the public. And it still hopes to sell the contaminated fish overseas.
But the real betrayal is by both governments. They knew contaminated fish were being sold, and chose not to tell you.
And that raises the obvious question - how often have governments put the interest of the industry ahead of the public?
Footnote: The industry faces other challenges, over sea lice and the spread of disease to wild stocks. Next week's cabinet shuffle will likely see a new minister on the file, and perhaps a hiving off of the fisheries component of the agriculture, food and fisheries ministry.
Wednesday, June 08, 2005
Police complaints commissioner handcuffed by weak law
VICTORIA - Watch for an early showdown between Wally Oppal and Rich Coleman over the need for effective civilian oversight of police departments.
Police Complaints Commissioner Dirk Ryneveld has just delivered his report on 55 complaints against the Vancouver police department.
It's grim reading. A 14-month independent RCMP investigation substantiated nine cases of police misconduct.
That's not the worrying part. Nine cases aren't so bad, really, given the workload of the Vancouver police. Unacceptable, but not shocking.
What is shocking is the way the current provincial legislation lets a police force evade civilian oversight. The Vancouver department, its chief and the union have basically told the complaints commissioner to get lost, exploiting the weakness in the law.
The office of the police complaints commission was established in 1998, largely due to a review done by Oppal. Under the new system people who were unhappy with the police would still go first to their local department with concerns.
But if they felt their complaints had been ignored they could go to the commissioner and ask for a review.
Great theory, and one that is widely supported. We ask police to take on difficult assignments, and allow them great powers. It's reasonable and necessary that those powers be balanced with accountability.
But that is not the way the Vancouver police force sees it, according to Ryneveld's report. In the case of these complaints, officers -- with the support of Chief Jamie Graham -- refused to be interviewed by the RCMP investigators.
It's part of a pattern. When the commissioner investigated the death of Jeffrey Berg after he was arrested by Vancouver police, the department stalled in providing critical evidence. When the Victoria police were asked to review the death of Robert Bagnell, after he was Tasered by the Vancouver police, they threatened to walk away from the investigation because of the lack of co-operation from the Vancouver department.
The government knows the law needs strengthening. In his first annual report, released more than a year ago, Ryneveld called for legislative changes to make the system work.
But even before that, the problems were evident. Ryneveld's predecessor resigned amid great controversy. Investigations have been tied up in procedural wrangling, undermining public confidence in the process, and the police. (The probe into police actions at the "Riot at the Hyatt" was stalled for five years because of costly legal battles.)
Ryneveld reported that the legislation governing the commission was "one of the main obstacles to effective performance of our duties."
"It is unclear, ambiguous and does not provide adequate remedies to the office of the police complaints commissioner to ensure effective civilian oversight," he wrote.
Ryneveld recommended the law be changed to make it clear that the commissioner can launch an independent fact-finding investigation if the initial internal police investigation appears flawed.
Without it, he added in his annual report, "the concept of civilian oversight is severely compromised."
And Ryneveld wanted the law changed to make it clear that he's an independent officer of the legislature, and not an employee of the solicitor general.
Coleman brushed off the concerns last year, without offering any arguments against the proposed changes.
But Oppal -- then still a Supreme Court justice -- backed Ryneveld's recommendations for change, agreeing they were needed to ensure effective civilian oversight of police.
And now both men will be in cabinet, quite possibly squaring off over this issue.
It's not just a Vancouver issue. Ryneveld notes in his latest report that other police forces across the province have co-operated with his office. But without clear and effective accountability provisions in the law, that co-operation will always be uncertain.
An effective complaint commission is important for police and the public. Both need confidence in the fairness and effectiveness of the process.
Ryneveld has already made the case for change.
The latest investigation into the Vancouver police department is a strong case for change. The Liberals should be listening, and acting.
Footnote: Ryneveld's opinions aren't easily dismissed. He was a veteran Crown prosecutor in Victoria before taking a leave to help prosecute people accused of war crimes at The Hague. He has worked effectively with police officers through his career. He is not, in short, some unrealistic alarmist.
Police Complaints Commissioner Dirk Ryneveld has just delivered his report on 55 complaints against the Vancouver police department.
It's grim reading. A 14-month independent RCMP investigation substantiated nine cases of police misconduct.
That's not the worrying part. Nine cases aren't so bad, really, given the workload of the Vancouver police. Unacceptable, but not shocking.
What is shocking is the way the current provincial legislation lets a police force evade civilian oversight. The Vancouver department, its chief and the union have basically told the complaints commissioner to get lost, exploiting the weakness in the law.
The office of the police complaints commission was established in 1998, largely due to a review done by Oppal. Under the new system people who were unhappy with the police would still go first to their local department with concerns.
But if they felt their complaints had been ignored they could go to the commissioner and ask for a review.
Great theory, and one that is widely supported. We ask police to take on difficult assignments, and allow them great powers. It's reasonable and necessary that those powers be balanced with accountability.
But that is not the way the Vancouver police force sees it, according to Ryneveld's report. In the case of these complaints, officers -- with the support of Chief Jamie Graham -- refused to be interviewed by the RCMP investigators.
It's part of a pattern. When the commissioner investigated the death of Jeffrey Berg after he was arrested by Vancouver police, the department stalled in providing critical evidence. When the Victoria police were asked to review the death of Robert Bagnell, after he was Tasered by the Vancouver police, they threatened to walk away from the investigation because of the lack of co-operation from the Vancouver department.
The government knows the law needs strengthening. In his first annual report, released more than a year ago, Ryneveld called for legislative changes to make the system work.
But even before that, the problems were evident. Ryneveld's predecessor resigned amid great controversy. Investigations have been tied up in procedural wrangling, undermining public confidence in the process, and the police. (The probe into police actions at the "Riot at the Hyatt" was stalled for five years because of costly legal battles.)
Ryneveld reported that the legislation governing the commission was "one of the main obstacles to effective performance of our duties."
"It is unclear, ambiguous and does not provide adequate remedies to the office of the police complaints commissioner to ensure effective civilian oversight," he wrote.
Ryneveld recommended the law be changed to make it clear that the commissioner can launch an independent fact-finding investigation if the initial internal police investigation appears flawed.
Without it, he added in his annual report, "the concept of civilian oversight is severely compromised."
And Ryneveld wanted the law changed to make it clear that he's an independent officer of the legislature, and not an employee of the solicitor general.
Coleman brushed off the concerns last year, without offering any arguments against the proposed changes.
But Oppal -- then still a Supreme Court justice -- backed Ryneveld's recommendations for change, agreeing they were needed to ensure effective civilian oversight of police.
And now both men will be in cabinet, quite possibly squaring off over this issue.
It's not just a Vancouver issue. Ryneveld notes in his latest report that other police forces across the province have co-operated with his office. But without clear and effective accountability provisions in the law, that co-operation will always be uncertain.
An effective complaint commission is important for police and the public. Both need confidence in the fairness and effectiveness of the process.
Ryneveld has already made the case for change.
The latest investigation into the Vancouver police department is a strong case for change. The Liberals should be listening, and acting.
Footnote: Ryneveld's opinions aren't easily dismissed. He was a veteran Crown prosecutor in Victoria before taking a leave to help prosecute people accused of war crimes at The Hague. He has worked effectively with police officers through his career. He is not, in short, some unrealistic alarmist.
Friday, June 03, 2005
Park fiasco symbol of Liberal failure on environment
VICTORIA - One court case, and you get a snapshot of everything that's wrong with the Liberals when it comes to environmental issues.
Water, Land and Air Protection Minister Bill Barisoff was prepared to spend $100,000 of your money, damage a provincial park - including habitat for a species at risk - and anger local residents.
And all because a nearby business owner wanted to save some money on developing his property.
Here are the facts, briefly. Grohman Narrows Provincial Park is just outside Nelson, small but beautiful, and home to several species-at-risk, including the painted turtle.
It has an entrance road from the highway, in place for more than 20 years.
Three years ago, a development company bought property across the highway from the park, intending to develop a repair shop for heavy trucks. But it needed to build an access road on to the highway. And the transportation ministry said that for safety's sake the two entrances - the garage and the park - needed to be directly across the highway from each other.
Bad news for the developer. Building an access driveway opposite the park's entrance would cost an extra $250,000, because he'd have to blow up some rocks.
So hey, he asked the water, air and land protection ministry, why don't you move your entrance about 30 metres to line up with where I want to build?
It never hurts to ask. And as a good neighbour, it's right the ministry checked to see what the consequences would be. It found the change would cost taxpayers $100,000, damage the park permanently and be bad news for those rare turtles. Construction could kill some, and they were at risk of being regularly crunched by cars if the entrance was moved closer to nesting habitat.
If this decision dealt with some project that promised hundreds of jobs, and had big community support, it might sill be a tough call.
But this was one developer looking to save money. Balance that against the cost to taxpayers, and the damage to the park, and the ministry's answer should have been 'sorry, we're not moving the entrance.'
Barisoff thought different, and in January he ordered the entrance moved.
Oh come on, said the West Kootenay Community Ecosociety. And off to they went to BC Supreme Court, making just the argument that ministry staff had warned about Barisoff about. The minister is bound by the Park Act, the society said, and that means he has to defend them, not damage them.
Justice Janet Sinclair Prowse saw it the same way. The act says the minister is the steward of parks, she noted, and he is only allowed to approve damaging development if it is meets some park need - like building a washroom, or trail.
And Barisoff violated the act by approving damage to help a developer. The entrance has to stay put, Sinclair Prowse ruled. The minister was not fulfilling his basic duties.
Barisoff, like predecessor Joyce Murray before him, is likable. But neither would be described as strong ministers, or passionate advocates for their ministry. Their appointments reflect Gordon Campbell's judgment about its importance.
I mean Campbell didn't even keep the environment ministry name after the last election, replacing it with the clunky - and less apt - ministry of water, land and air protection. (Environment, the ministry that dare not speak its name.)
It will be interesting to see if Campbell acknowledges that abandoning the obvious name was a mistake when he names his new cabinet. (More than half the voters opted for parties that promised to restore the environment ministry.)
There's no need for a zealot at the head of the ministry. But cabinet ministers are expected to fight their corner, even as they recognize the government's overall direction.
Developers have lots of advocates at the table.
Environment - not water, land and air protection - deserves its champion in cabinet.
Footnote: When the legislature finally resumes, likely in September, expect the NDP to be all over this case. Barisoff's decision, as well as violating his legal obligations as minister, is inexplicable. The willingness to spend $100,000 of taxpayers' money to help a developer cut its costs is only one factor; the ministry spent tens of thousands reaching its wrong decision.
Water, Land and Air Protection Minister Bill Barisoff was prepared to spend $100,000 of your money, damage a provincial park - including habitat for a species at risk - and anger local residents.
And all because a nearby business owner wanted to save some money on developing his property.
Here are the facts, briefly. Grohman Narrows Provincial Park is just outside Nelson, small but beautiful, and home to several species-at-risk, including the painted turtle.
It has an entrance road from the highway, in place for more than 20 years.
Three years ago, a development company bought property across the highway from the park, intending to develop a repair shop for heavy trucks. But it needed to build an access road on to the highway. And the transportation ministry said that for safety's sake the two entrances - the garage and the park - needed to be directly across the highway from each other.
Bad news for the developer. Building an access driveway opposite the park's entrance would cost an extra $250,000, because he'd have to blow up some rocks.
So hey, he asked the water, air and land protection ministry, why don't you move your entrance about 30 metres to line up with where I want to build?
It never hurts to ask. And as a good neighbour, it's right the ministry checked to see what the consequences would be. It found the change would cost taxpayers $100,000, damage the park permanently and be bad news for those rare turtles. Construction could kill some, and they were at risk of being regularly crunched by cars if the entrance was moved closer to nesting habitat.
If this decision dealt with some project that promised hundreds of jobs, and had big community support, it might sill be a tough call.
But this was one developer looking to save money. Balance that against the cost to taxpayers, and the damage to the park, and the ministry's answer should have been 'sorry, we're not moving the entrance.'
Barisoff thought different, and in January he ordered the entrance moved.
Oh come on, said the West Kootenay Community Ecosociety. And off to they went to BC Supreme Court, making just the argument that ministry staff had warned about Barisoff about. The minister is bound by the Park Act, the society said, and that means he has to defend them, not damage them.
Justice Janet Sinclair Prowse saw it the same way. The act says the minister is the steward of parks, she noted, and he is only allowed to approve damaging development if it is meets some park need - like building a washroom, or trail.
And Barisoff violated the act by approving damage to help a developer. The entrance has to stay put, Sinclair Prowse ruled. The minister was not fulfilling his basic duties.
Barisoff, like predecessor Joyce Murray before him, is likable. But neither would be described as strong ministers, or passionate advocates for their ministry. Their appointments reflect Gordon Campbell's judgment about its importance.
I mean Campbell didn't even keep the environment ministry name after the last election, replacing it with the clunky - and less apt - ministry of water, land and air protection. (Environment, the ministry that dare not speak its name.)
It will be interesting to see if Campbell acknowledges that abandoning the obvious name was a mistake when he names his new cabinet. (More than half the voters opted for parties that promised to restore the environment ministry.)
There's no need for a zealot at the head of the ministry. But cabinet ministers are expected to fight their corner, even as they recognize the government's overall direction.
Developers have lots of advocates at the table.
Environment - not water, land and air protection - deserves its champion in cabinet.
Footnote: When the legislature finally resumes, likely in September, expect the NDP to be all over this case. Barisoff's decision, as well as violating his legal obligations as minister, is inexplicable. The willingness to spend $100,000 of taxpayers' money to help a developer cut its costs is only one factor; the ministry spent tens of thousands reaching its wrong decision.
Thursday, June 02, 2005
Grewal tapes will make your skin crawl
VICTORIA - I've watched enough crime movies to know that it's time for Ottawa politicians to start scheduling their meetings for grungy steam rooms.
That's the easiest way to make sure that nobody is wearing a wire, right?
The sleaze factor in federal politics keeps climbing. And before anybody in B.C. gets smug, remember that most of the players in the latest cringefest are locals. Conservative MP Gurmant Grewal, his silent MP wife Nina, Ujjal Dosanjh and Sudesh Kalia, the insurance salesman friend of both men, are all locals.
If you haven't been reading this stuff - and I don't blame you - here are the basics.
With the fate of the Martin government resting on a coming non-confidence vote, Grewal, the MP for Newton-North Delta, entered into negotiations with Dosanjh and Paul Martin's chief of staff Tim Murphy. The Grewals would abandon Stephen Harper and support the Liberals, if the terms were right. Perhaps a cabinet post for Gurmant, and the Senate for his wife.
Grewal was secretly taping the conversations, and now says he was running a sting. You can read them and decide what you think Grewal's real goal was. Audio files and transcripts are at www.gurmantgrewal.ca.
Dosanjh and the Liberals say the transcripts are inaccurate and the tapes doctored.
But a reasonable listener is left with the unavoidable sense that this was sleazy business, and the topic of all the discussions was coming up with an incentive - a cabinet post, or some plum - to ensure the Grewals would support the Liberals.
An immediate seat at the cabinet table would be tough, Dosanjh says in one transcript. "If that cannot happen right now, that will be done in two to four weeks. . . I'm sure rewards are there at some point, right. No-one can forget such gestures but they require a certain degree of deniability."
Deniability is a big deal for the Liberals, or at least the reason they keep using to put off Grewal's demands for a commitment. " You have to be able to say that I did not make a deal," says Dosanjh at one point. "That's very important. That's why this kinds of deals are not made in that fashion."
But people who take risks for the party are rewarded the Liberals promise. "Let me make it absolutely clear that we are a welcoming party. . . It is a welcoming mat that has a lot of nice comfy fur on it."
The Liberals blame Grewal. He showed up on their door, the Liberals say, and wanted to trade his vote for benefits - cabinet, a Senate seat, something of value.
Did they send him packing? No. He negotiated with Dosanjh, and Murphy, who speaks for the Big Guy, Ottawa-speak for Paul Martin. When Grewal asked repeatedly about a Senate seat, Murphy and Dosanjh didn't say sorry, we don't do things like that. They said it would be tough, because there are no vacancies right now.
And then there is Harper, who says he knew Grewal was wandering around wearing a wire. I didn't encourage or discourage him, says Harper. MPs have a right to make secret recordings of people they talk with, the man who would be prime minister.
Every Canadian has that legal right. But it's creepy that a political leader thinks it's acceptable or ethical behavior for an MP.
Martin looks just as bad. He knew about the Grewal negotiations. He knows about the tapes. But he still hasn't got around to listening to the words of his health minister and chief of staff, he says, apparently seized with a case of willful blindness. (And demonstrating again the Liberal devotion to deniability.)
It's unclear if any laws were broken.
But trust was. Voters expect their MPs to act on their behalf. But their interests never really came up in the talks, except as a possible excuse for Grewal to use in bolting the Conservatives.
Footnote: The laws around vote-buying are murky. But everyone involved should welcome an RCMP investigation of the case if they are as blameless as they claim. Jack Layton and Gilles Duceppe have both asked for a police review.
That's the easiest way to make sure that nobody is wearing a wire, right?
The sleaze factor in federal politics keeps climbing. And before anybody in B.C. gets smug, remember that most of the players in the latest cringefest are locals. Conservative MP Gurmant Grewal, his silent MP wife Nina, Ujjal Dosanjh and Sudesh Kalia, the insurance salesman friend of both men, are all locals.
If you haven't been reading this stuff - and I don't blame you - here are the basics.
With the fate of the Martin government resting on a coming non-confidence vote, Grewal, the MP for Newton-North Delta, entered into negotiations with Dosanjh and Paul Martin's chief of staff Tim Murphy. The Grewals would abandon Stephen Harper and support the Liberals, if the terms were right. Perhaps a cabinet post for Gurmant, and the Senate for his wife.
Grewal was secretly taping the conversations, and now says he was running a sting. You can read them and decide what you think Grewal's real goal was. Audio files and transcripts are at www.gurmantgrewal.ca.
Dosanjh and the Liberals say the transcripts are inaccurate and the tapes doctored.
But a reasonable listener is left with the unavoidable sense that this was sleazy business, and the topic of all the discussions was coming up with an incentive - a cabinet post, or some plum - to ensure the Grewals would support the Liberals.
An immediate seat at the cabinet table would be tough, Dosanjh says in one transcript. "If that cannot happen right now, that will be done in two to four weeks. . . I'm sure rewards are there at some point, right. No-one can forget such gestures but they require a certain degree of deniability."
Deniability is a big deal for the Liberals, or at least the reason they keep using to put off Grewal's demands for a commitment. " You have to be able to say that I did not make a deal," says Dosanjh at one point. "That's very important. That's why this kinds of deals are not made in that fashion."
But people who take risks for the party are rewarded the Liberals promise. "Let me make it absolutely clear that we are a welcoming party. . . It is a welcoming mat that has a lot of nice comfy fur on it."
The Liberals blame Grewal. He showed up on their door, the Liberals say, and wanted to trade his vote for benefits - cabinet, a Senate seat, something of value.
Did they send him packing? No. He negotiated with Dosanjh, and Murphy, who speaks for the Big Guy, Ottawa-speak for Paul Martin. When Grewal asked repeatedly about a Senate seat, Murphy and Dosanjh didn't say sorry, we don't do things like that. They said it would be tough, because there are no vacancies right now.
And then there is Harper, who says he knew Grewal was wandering around wearing a wire. I didn't encourage or discourage him, says Harper. MPs have a right to make secret recordings of people they talk with, the man who would be prime minister.
Every Canadian has that legal right. But it's creepy that a political leader thinks it's acceptable or ethical behavior for an MP.
Martin looks just as bad. He knew about the Grewal negotiations. He knows about the tapes. But he still hasn't got around to listening to the words of his health minister and chief of staff, he says, apparently seized with a case of willful blindness. (And demonstrating again the Liberal devotion to deniability.)
It's unclear if any laws were broken.
But trust was. Voters expect their MPs to act on their behalf. But their interests never really came up in the talks, except as a possible excuse for Grewal to use in bolting the Conservatives.
Footnote: The laws around vote-buying are murky. But everyone involved should welcome an RCMP investigation of the case if they are as blameless as they claim. Jack Layton and Gilles Duceppe have both asked for a police review.
Tuesday, May 31, 2005
Liberals, BCTF need to end feud
VICTORIA - My first reaction was to dismiss the BC Teachers' Federation defamation suit against Gordon Campbell as just the latest development in their tiresome feud.
But then I read the union's statement of claim, and its case looks pretty good. The union may not win, but it has a good chance of getting the issue before a judge, and the premier on the witness stand.
The teachers' federation is suing Campbell over comments he made five days before the election.
"Late last night British Columbians learned of a secret plan to hold a strike vote days after the provincial election," Campbell solemnly announced at the end of a long day of campaigning. "It's a duplicitous plan meant to engineer a school strike only weeks before provincial exams that would throw our school system into chaos. It's obvious that both the NDP and the BCTF have been trying to hide their true intentions. They have run a campaign of deceptions, half-truths and misinformation."
The Liberals had hit on school strikes as a 'wedge issue,' one that could be hammered between the New Democrats and their potential supporters. The Liberals made education an essential service, which means teachers have to maintain minimum service levels established by the Labour Relations Board if they go on strike. Carole James said teachers should have the right to strike, period.
It's a largely empty debate, since both parties would end disruptive job action. (The last two NDP governments legislated an end to school strikes.) But it was still a good political issue, and Campbell jumped all over it.
It may be he has proof to back up his accusations. But all we've seen as a local teachers' union newsletter reminding members of a scheduled meeting two days after the election on contract negotiations - their old one expired a year ago - including a discussion on when to hold a strike vote.
Worrying, perhaps, but short of a secret conspiracy to shut down schools just as thousands of Grade 12 students prepare for crucial provincial exams.
The BCTF says the charge damages the union's representation, one of the elements of defamation. It's hard to argue with that. And they say it's false, another key element. Under the law, the onus would be on Campbell to prove that had reason to believe the charges were true.
So union lawyers would get the chance to ask him about where he got the information, and who decided to raise the issue at the press conference. The court could order the Liberals to produce all their campaign planning materials that mentioned the BCTF. It would not be good for Campbell. (Yes, say some Liberals, but our lawyers could in turn grill the union leaders about their pro-NDP campaign and their job action plans. But all that all that likely means it that both parties end up looking bad, which only counts as a win if you've lost sight of the real goals.)
The BCTF and the Liberals have reason to loathe each other. The Liberals reneged on the teachers' contracts, negotiated in good faith. The BCTF has taken on the role of political opponent, campaigning for the Liberals' defeat. Neither party seems able to avoid poking the other with a sharp stick at every opportunity.
Both sides need to face reality.
The Liberals need to acknowledge that the BCTF is the bargaining agent for 43,000 teachers, who are rightly angry that hard-won contract agreements were broken by the government.
The BCTF needs to acknowledge that it's a union, not a co-manager of the education system. Its first job is to protect the interests of its member, and its positions on class size or student testing are driven by the duty to members, not the needs of children. That's simply a fact.
The two sides don't need to quit disliking each other.
But they should recognize they each have work to do together. It's time to start solving problems instead of fighting.
Footnote: The Liberal party, not taxpayers, is paying for Campbell's defence in the defamation suit. Meanwhile,
BCTF president Jinny Sims has written the premier to ask for a meeting on education issues. It should be a pretty unpleasant session, unless the lawsuit is settled.
But then I read the union's statement of claim, and its case looks pretty good. The union may not win, but it has a good chance of getting the issue before a judge, and the premier on the witness stand.
The teachers' federation is suing Campbell over comments he made five days before the election.
"Late last night British Columbians learned of a secret plan to hold a strike vote days after the provincial election," Campbell solemnly announced at the end of a long day of campaigning. "It's a duplicitous plan meant to engineer a school strike only weeks before provincial exams that would throw our school system into chaos. It's obvious that both the NDP and the BCTF have been trying to hide their true intentions. They have run a campaign of deceptions, half-truths and misinformation."
The Liberals had hit on school strikes as a 'wedge issue,' one that could be hammered between the New Democrats and their potential supporters. The Liberals made education an essential service, which means teachers have to maintain minimum service levels established by the Labour Relations Board if they go on strike. Carole James said teachers should have the right to strike, period.
It's a largely empty debate, since both parties would end disruptive job action. (The last two NDP governments legislated an end to school strikes.) But it was still a good political issue, and Campbell jumped all over it.
It may be he has proof to back up his accusations. But all we've seen as a local teachers' union newsletter reminding members of a scheduled meeting two days after the election on contract negotiations - their old one expired a year ago - including a discussion on when to hold a strike vote.
Worrying, perhaps, but short of a secret conspiracy to shut down schools just as thousands of Grade 12 students prepare for crucial provincial exams.
The BCTF says the charge damages the union's representation, one of the elements of defamation. It's hard to argue with that. And they say it's false, another key element. Under the law, the onus would be on Campbell to prove that had reason to believe the charges were true.
So union lawyers would get the chance to ask him about where he got the information, and who decided to raise the issue at the press conference. The court could order the Liberals to produce all their campaign planning materials that mentioned the BCTF. It would not be good for Campbell. (Yes, say some Liberals, but our lawyers could in turn grill the union leaders about their pro-NDP campaign and their job action plans. But all that all that likely means it that both parties end up looking bad, which only counts as a win if you've lost sight of the real goals.)
The BCTF and the Liberals have reason to loathe each other. The Liberals reneged on the teachers' contracts, negotiated in good faith. The BCTF has taken on the role of political opponent, campaigning for the Liberals' defeat. Neither party seems able to avoid poking the other with a sharp stick at every opportunity.
Both sides need to face reality.
The Liberals need to acknowledge that the BCTF is the bargaining agent for 43,000 teachers, who are rightly angry that hard-won contract agreements were broken by the government.
The BCTF needs to acknowledge that it's a union, not a co-manager of the education system. Its first job is to protect the interests of its member, and its positions on class size or student testing are driven by the duty to members, not the needs of children. That's simply a fact.
The two sides don't need to quit disliking each other.
But they should recognize they each have work to do together. It's time to start solving problems instead of fighting.
Footnote: The Liberal party, not taxpayers, is paying for Campbell's defence in the defamation suit. Meanwhile,
BCTF president Jinny Sims has written the premier to ask for a meeting on education issues. It should be a pretty unpleasant session, unless the lawsuit is settled.
Friday, May 27, 2005
Please leaders, end the legislature zoo story
VICTORIA - It's encouraging to hear Gordon Campbell and Carole James talk about co-operating to make the legislature work better, especially for someone whose job involves sitting in the gallery.
The legislature - for all the grandness of the building, and the many fine people inside it - is often a depressing place, many days a genuine embarrassment. I cringe for the school teachers who bring their students to watch Question Period and see adults shouting abuse at each other, posturing and preaching what they know to be nonsense.
These are bright, compassionate people, elected in part because they were good at bringing people together. They'd never shout insults across the room at a community meeting, or mindlessly heckle a speaker
But somehow, inside this building, they lose their bearings.
James has made some useful proposals, including lengthening Question Period. That's the 15 minutes each day that draws much of the media and public attention. Now it's mainly a time for the Opposition to raise issues that they think will result in news stories that make the government look bad.
Not always, of course. There are real questions about real issues. But they are the exception. The opposition looks for the one or two big stories; the government ministers look to avoid answering.
A longer Question Period - B.C. has the shortest in Canada - might help. With 30 minutes, more MLAs would get the chance to raise issues that mattered to their constituents. Cabinet ministers would be less able to simply run out the clock with non-answers.
That's not the only useful reform. The Liberals borrowed an idea from Alberta and set up government caucus committees after the last election, backbencher-dominated groups that were supposed to keep an eye on policies in areas like health, and be watchdogs.
Some Liberal MLAs believe it worked, but it's impossible to tell. The meetings were behind closed doors. No one knew what they were doing (with the result that MLAs looked like they were doing nothing about some issues important to their community).
Campbell should follow through on a 2001 promise to give a bigger role to legislative committees, which have representatives from both parties. The health and education committees did some useful work over the last four years, although relatively little. But others, like the committee on aboriginal affairs haven't met since 2001.
What's needed is a change of mindset on both sides of the legislature. Voters didn't elect MLAs to come here and wage some sort of political war for four years. They want their MLAs to solve problems, and make things better. That does mean holding the government to account, but that can be done in way that is effective, yet civil. (As James showed through much of the election campaign.)
Campbell could send an important signal by consulting with James about who will be the new Speaker, the legislative referee. (Claude Richmond is expected to move to a ministry.) B.C. has an unfortunate tradition of Speakers who are seen as overly partisan.
There's lots of chance for structural reform.
But ultimately, it all comes down to people and how they behave. I rest my biggest hopes hopes on the new MLAs.
Almost half the MLAs who will sit down in the legislature in September - 12 Liberals, 25 New Democrats - will be new, untainted by past practices. They'll be shocked, I expect, when they sit through their first week of the session. And they can either say well, this is the way things work, I guess, or they can make it better.
The opposition can ask questions that seek information, instead of levelling accusations. Ministers can repond fully, tackling the issue head-on. Real information can be provided, and good decisions made.
It would be a leap - each party would have to trust the other. But the new NDP MLAs can treat ministers with respect; the new ministers can answer in the same way.
It might even be catching. Root for them.
Footnote: A Grade 4 teacher here in Victoria wrote the newspaper after taking her class to Question Period. The MLAs' behaviour showed the bullying, rudeness and abusiveness that schools are attempting to eliminate on the playground. Any student would have been sent from class if they acted like the MLAs, she added.
The legislature - for all the grandness of the building, and the many fine people inside it - is often a depressing place, many days a genuine embarrassment. I cringe for the school teachers who bring their students to watch Question Period and see adults shouting abuse at each other, posturing and preaching what they know to be nonsense.
These are bright, compassionate people, elected in part because they were good at bringing people together. They'd never shout insults across the room at a community meeting, or mindlessly heckle a speaker
But somehow, inside this building, they lose their bearings.
James has made some useful proposals, including lengthening Question Period. That's the 15 minutes each day that draws much of the media and public attention. Now it's mainly a time for the Opposition to raise issues that they think will result in news stories that make the government look bad.
Not always, of course. There are real questions about real issues. But they are the exception. The opposition looks for the one or two big stories; the government ministers look to avoid answering.
A longer Question Period - B.C. has the shortest in Canada - might help. With 30 minutes, more MLAs would get the chance to raise issues that mattered to their constituents. Cabinet ministers would be less able to simply run out the clock with non-answers.
That's not the only useful reform. The Liberals borrowed an idea from Alberta and set up government caucus committees after the last election, backbencher-dominated groups that were supposed to keep an eye on policies in areas like health, and be watchdogs.
Some Liberal MLAs believe it worked, but it's impossible to tell. The meetings were behind closed doors. No one knew what they were doing (with the result that MLAs looked like they were doing nothing about some issues important to their community).
Campbell should follow through on a 2001 promise to give a bigger role to legislative committees, which have representatives from both parties. The health and education committees did some useful work over the last four years, although relatively little. But others, like the committee on aboriginal affairs haven't met since 2001.
What's needed is a change of mindset on both sides of the legislature. Voters didn't elect MLAs to come here and wage some sort of political war for four years. They want their MLAs to solve problems, and make things better. That does mean holding the government to account, but that can be done in way that is effective, yet civil. (As James showed through much of the election campaign.)
Campbell could send an important signal by consulting with James about who will be the new Speaker, the legislative referee. (Claude Richmond is expected to move to a ministry.) B.C. has an unfortunate tradition of Speakers who are seen as overly partisan.
There's lots of chance for structural reform.
But ultimately, it all comes down to people and how they behave. I rest my biggest hopes hopes on the new MLAs.
Almost half the MLAs who will sit down in the legislature in September - 12 Liberals, 25 New Democrats - will be new, untainted by past practices. They'll be shocked, I expect, when they sit through their first week of the session. And they can either say well, this is the way things work, I guess, or they can make it better.
The opposition can ask questions that seek information, instead of levelling accusations. Ministers can repond fully, tackling the issue head-on. Real information can be provided, and good decisions made.
It would be a leap - each party would have to trust the other. But the new NDP MLAs can treat ministers with respect; the new ministers can answer in the same way.
It might even be catching. Root for them.
Footnote: A Grade 4 teacher here in Victoria wrote the newspaper after taking her class to Question Period. The MLAs' behaviour showed the bullying, rudeness and abusiveness that schools are attempting to eliminate on the playground. Any student would have been sent from class if they acted like the MLAs, she added.
Thursday, May 26, 2005
The Mountain Goats
I have been steadfast in just posting columns here.
But for anyone who likes truly great music - alt-country-rock-minimal - and superb writing, track down music by The Mountain Goats, which I gather is really one guy, John Darnielle. You'll be a little envious, and a lot amazed.
But for anyone who likes truly great music - alt-country-rock-minimal - and superb writing, track down music by The Mountain Goats, which I gather is really one guy, John Darnielle. You'll be a little envious, and a lot amazed.
Cabinet choices set the tone for next four years
VICTORIA - It's not easy picking a cabinet.
In the real world, if you need a grocery clerk, or political columnist, you put an ad in the paper and pick the applicant who will do the best job. It's still difficult, but at least you're fishing in a deep pool.
Gordon Campbell's choices are way more complex, and he doesn't get to advertise. If Campbell decides to stay with 27 ministers, he'll be offering cabinet posts to more than half of the 45 elected MLAs. And he'll know that a big chunk of the 18 people left out will be hurt, mad, and maybe vengeful.
The premier can't even pick the people he thinks will do the best job. The cabinet has to be balanced - by region, gender, first language, ideology.
That's not a bad thing. We want representative governments, and who knows if the premier is so great at guessing who will turn out to be an effective minister.
Still, the need for balance restricts Campbell. The last Liberal cabinet had nine women ministers, about one-third of the total. If Campbell wants to match it he will have to appoint nine of the 10 Liberal women elected, with limited attention to experience or potential.
The need for regional balance is just as restrictive. The Liberals' Kootenay caucus had four members, with two in cabinet. Only Bill Bennett survived the election, so he's guaranteed a cabinet spot - maybe as resorts' minister. (A good thing, especially because Bennett could be an aggressive defender of the interests of B.C.'s smaller communities.) Dennis MacKay - a low-profile MLA - might slip into cabinet as a Liberal survivor in the northwest.
Campbell's challenge includes leap-frogging the star candidates - Wally Oppal, Carole Taylor - over other MLAs. Oppal is an odds-on choice for attorney general, a job which will make the small 'l' liberal Oppal an odd partner with top cop Rich Coleman. Taylor could end up in any one of several ministries.
Some ministers should stay put. Stan Hagen wants to stay in children and families, and the ministry needs both his experience and some stability. It makes sense to leave the very competent Colin Hansen in finance.
Things get trickier in health and education, and most prospective solutions reinforce the rising star of Tom Christensen, currently the education minister. Christensen could stay put, replace Shirley Bond in health or even become attorney general if Campbell chooses.
That still leaves many slots to fill. John van Dongen and Mike de Jong are both likely due for a change after four years in the same ministry. (Van Dongen has become a symbol of Liberal difficulties in managing the aquaculture file.) But replacements will be difficult to find, especially after the defeat of junior forest minister Roger Harris.
Graham Bruce's defeat leaves Campbell without a labour minister - and more significantly, without a House leader. Kamloops MLA Claude Richmond doesn't want to be Speaker any more. Both jobs are important in setting the tone for the new legislature - confrontational or co-operative - and protecting the Liberals' interests.
And there's always the chance that Campbell could opt for bolder change. A majority of British Columbians voted for parties that promised to bring back the environment ministry. Why not do what the people want, and name a senior minister to the post to establish more credibility on the environment front? Other ministries could be restructured, perhaps giving Barry Penner a role in energy policy.
Campbell will probably announce his cabinet around June 8. His choices will signal what kind of government British Columbians can expect for the next four years, and what the Liberals have learned from this election.
And Carole James will unveil her shadow cabinet a few days later, a signal of her direction. James says she has taken the NDP toward the centre; her appointments to key critic jobs will tell the tale.
The 2009 campaign starts in the next two weeks.
Footnote: Eight cabinet ministers went down to defeat, leaving Campbell lots of room for newcomers. But not enough, probably. It will sting to be part of the minority left out of cabinet. James faces the same issues in deciding on the roles for Glen Clark uber-loyalist Harry Lali and others of the old guard.
In the real world, if you need a grocery clerk, or political columnist, you put an ad in the paper and pick the applicant who will do the best job. It's still difficult, but at least you're fishing in a deep pool.
Gordon Campbell's choices are way more complex, and he doesn't get to advertise. If Campbell decides to stay with 27 ministers, he'll be offering cabinet posts to more than half of the 45 elected MLAs. And he'll know that a big chunk of the 18 people left out will be hurt, mad, and maybe vengeful.
The premier can't even pick the people he thinks will do the best job. The cabinet has to be balanced - by region, gender, first language, ideology.
That's not a bad thing. We want representative governments, and who knows if the premier is so great at guessing who will turn out to be an effective minister.
Still, the need for balance restricts Campbell. The last Liberal cabinet had nine women ministers, about one-third of the total. If Campbell wants to match it he will have to appoint nine of the 10 Liberal women elected, with limited attention to experience or potential.
The need for regional balance is just as restrictive. The Liberals' Kootenay caucus had four members, with two in cabinet. Only Bill Bennett survived the election, so he's guaranteed a cabinet spot - maybe as resorts' minister. (A good thing, especially because Bennett could be an aggressive defender of the interests of B.C.'s smaller communities.) Dennis MacKay - a low-profile MLA - might slip into cabinet as a Liberal survivor in the northwest.
Campbell's challenge includes leap-frogging the star candidates - Wally Oppal, Carole Taylor - over other MLAs. Oppal is an odds-on choice for attorney general, a job which will make the small 'l' liberal Oppal an odd partner with top cop Rich Coleman. Taylor could end up in any one of several ministries.
Some ministers should stay put. Stan Hagen wants to stay in children and families, and the ministry needs both his experience and some stability. It makes sense to leave the very competent Colin Hansen in finance.
Things get trickier in health and education, and most prospective solutions reinforce the rising star of Tom Christensen, currently the education minister. Christensen could stay put, replace Shirley Bond in health or even become attorney general if Campbell chooses.
That still leaves many slots to fill. John van Dongen and Mike de Jong are both likely due for a change after four years in the same ministry. (Van Dongen has become a symbol of Liberal difficulties in managing the aquaculture file.) But replacements will be difficult to find, especially after the defeat of junior forest minister Roger Harris.
Graham Bruce's defeat leaves Campbell without a labour minister - and more significantly, without a House leader. Kamloops MLA Claude Richmond doesn't want to be Speaker any more. Both jobs are important in setting the tone for the new legislature - confrontational or co-operative - and protecting the Liberals' interests.
And there's always the chance that Campbell could opt for bolder change. A majority of British Columbians voted for parties that promised to bring back the environment ministry. Why not do what the people want, and name a senior minister to the post to establish more credibility on the environment front? Other ministries could be restructured, perhaps giving Barry Penner a role in energy policy.
Campbell will probably announce his cabinet around June 8. His choices will signal what kind of government British Columbians can expect for the next four years, and what the Liberals have learned from this election.
And Carole James will unveil her shadow cabinet a few days later, a signal of her direction. James says she has taken the NDP toward the centre; her appointments to key critic jobs will tell the tale.
The 2009 campaign starts in the next two weeks.
Footnote: Eight cabinet ministers went down to defeat, leaving Campbell lots of room for newcomers. But not enough, probably. It will sting to be part of the minority left out of cabinet. James faces the same issues in deciding on the roles for Glen Clark uber-loyalist Harry Lali and others of the old guard.
Tuesday, May 24, 2005
Columbia Basin Trust stumbles show need for public alertness
VICTORIA - You should care about problems at the Columbia Basin Trust, both because it's your money and because they show the need for public scrutiny of economic development funds promised in the Liberal campaign.
The trust is beloved in the Kootenays, where it's seen as belated economic justice.
The 1961 Columbia Treaty with the U.S. saw B.C. agree to build dams on the river system to help the Americans produce more power downstream. B.C. got cash in the deal; communities in the way got flooded out.
People in the region kept demanding a share of the benefits, and in 1995 - after the treaty came up for renewal - the NDP government agreed. It set up the trust, which now manages more than $460 million in assets. Earnings flow to a range of community projects.
But all is not well, with the damning finance ministry review only the latest problem. Liberal MLA Barry Penner asked for the review, citing questions about the relationship between Ken Epp, the CEO of trust subsidiary Columbia Basin Trust Energy, and ZE PowerGroup Inc. of Vancouver.
Epp is a part-time CEO, who billed about $600,000 over a three-year period. Among his other consulting clients is ZE Power, which received about $2 million worth of contract work from CBTE during the same period.
The trust's directors, appointed by the province, are showing an alarming lack of concern and openness.
Visit the trust's web site and there's a release from chair Josh Smienk saying that he's "very pleased" that the finance ministry audit didn't find any "actual conflict of interest" on the part of Epp. The subsidiary met all applicable legal requirements, Smienk proclaims. That is true, and it's important.
But the trust's response is wildly unsatisfactory, considering what else the review found.
Epp was in "a perceived and potential conflict of interest," the ministry review reported. "We believe that Mr. Epp has not completely complied with CBTE's Conflict of Interest Guidelines and we also believe that these guidelines do not go far enough to avoid and manage the risk of conflict of interest," it said.
Minimum legal requirements were met, but not "the higher standards that are expected of a person serving the public to avoid and manage the risk of conflict of interest."
The review also called criticized spending practices, including spending money without any approved budget. "Controls were not in place to provide assurances of fairness and value for money for the contracts examined and it was difficult to determine whether these contracts were approved," the report found. "With CBTE's low staffing levels and the perceived conflict of interest of the CEO, it is difficult to effectively manage contracts."
It is not a report that should make board members - or the public - "very pleased."
These are only the latest problems for the trust. In March the board said it wasn't renewing the contract of trust CEO Don Johnston, with no explanation. Interviews for a replacement don't start until next month.
And last year the directors had to cancel a plan to sell the corporation's power-generation business to BC Hydro. The board approved a deal to sell its 50-per-cent interest in four power plants to BC Hydro for $260 million, planning to invest the money.
But the public, still edgy because the Liberals shifted power on the board from local representatives to provincial appointments, hated the idea, and the board retreated. (The plan probably made sense.)
The trust is politically sensitive, and none of the parties wanted it raised as a campaign issue. But expect it to get political attention once the legislature returns.
Meanwhile, the problems should inspire more alertness across the province.
The Liberals have already created the $85-million Northern Development Initiative. During the campaign they promised an extra $50 million for that fund, and $50-million economic development trusts for the southern Interior and and the Vancouver Island/Coast region.
All good ideas. But the trust issues highlight the need for public scrutiny.
Footnote: The new trusts - like the Northern Development Initiative - are likely to be governed by boards of regional and provincial politicians. The legislation setting them up will be in place this year, but if the NDI is an indication it will be well into 2006 before any money flows.
The trust is beloved in the Kootenays, where it's seen as belated economic justice.
The 1961 Columbia Treaty with the U.S. saw B.C. agree to build dams on the river system to help the Americans produce more power downstream. B.C. got cash in the deal; communities in the way got flooded out.
People in the region kept demanding a share of the benefits, and in 1995 - after the treaty came up for renewal - the NDP government agreed. It set up the trust, which now manages more than $460 million in assets. Earnings flow to a range of community projects.
But all is not well, with the damning finance ministry review only the latest problem. Liberal MLA Barry Penner asked for the review, citing questions about the relationship between Ken Epp, the CEO of trust subsidiary Columbia Basin Trust Energy, and ZE PowerGroup Inc. of Vancouver.
Epp is a part-time CEO, who billed about $600,000 over a three-year period. Among his other consulting clients is ZE Power, which received about $2 million worth of contract work from CBTE during the same period.
The trust's directors, appointed by the province, are showing an alarming lack of concern and openness.
Visit the trust's web site and there's a release from chair Josh Smienk saying that he's "very pleased" that the finance ministry audit didn't find any "actual conflict of interest" on the part of Epp. The subsidiary met all applicable legal requirements, Smienk proclaims. That is true, and it's important.
But the trust's response is wildly unsatisfactory, considering what else the review found.
Epp was in "a perceived and potential conflict of interest," the ministry review reported. "We believe that Mr. Epp has not completely complied with CBTE's Conflict of Interest Guidelines and we also believe that these guidelines do not go far enough to avoid and manage the risk of conflict of interest," it said.
Minimum legal requirements were met, but not "the higher standards that are expected of a person serving the public to avoid and manage the risk of conflict of interest."
The review also called criticized spending practices, including spending money without any approved budget. "Controls were not in place to provide assurances of fairness and value for money for the contracts examined and it was difficult to determine whether these contracts were approved," the report found. "With CBTE's low staffing levels and the perceived conflict of interest of the CEO, it is difficult to effectively manage contracts."
It is not a report that should make board members - or the public - "very pleased."
These are only the latest problems for the trust. In March the board said it wasn't renewing the contract of trust CEO Don Johnston, with no explanation. Interviews for a replacement don't start until next month.
And last year the directors had to cancel a plan to sell the corporation's power-generation business to BC Hydro. The board approved a deal to sell its 50-per-cent interest in four power plants to BC Hydro for $260 million, planning to invest the money.
But the public, still edgy because the Liberals shifted power on the board from local representatives to provincial appointments, hated the idea, and the board retreated. (The plan probably made sense.)
The trust is politically sensitive, and none of the parties wanted it raised as a campaign issue. But expect it to get political attention once the legislature returns.
Meanwhile, the problems should inspire more alertness across the province.
The Liberals have already created the $85-million Northern Development Initiative. During the campaign they promised an extra $50 million for that fund, and $50-million economic development trusts for the southern Interior and and the Vancouver Island/Coast region.
All good ideas. But the trust issues highlight the need for public scrutiny.
Footnote: The new trusts - like the Northern Development Initiative - are likely to be governed by boards of regional and provincial politicians. The legislation setting them up will be in place this year, but if the NDI is an indication it will be well into 2006 before any money flows.
Thursday, May 19, 2005
Non-confidence defeat should end the Ottawa sideshow
VICTORIA - The bizarre soap opera in Ottawa isn't just embarrassing, it's hurting Canadians.
The Liberal government survived a non-confidence motion Thursday by the narrowest margin in Canadian history. MPs were split evenly on whether the government should fall, and the deciding vote to keep it alive was cast by Speaker Peter Milliken, a Liberal MP.
The spectacle has been dismaying.
The Liberals, facing defeat, stalled desperately to avoid facing this test. They lined up NDP support by promising to add $4.6 billion in social spending and to cancel promised corporate tax cuts. This week they persuaded Belinda Stronach to abandon the Conservatives - and jilt lover Peter Mackay, the deputy Conservative leader - and take a senior cabinet post in the Liberal government.
If she hadn't jumped, British Columbians would be heading into another election campaign today.
Meanwhile, sick MPs - including Independent Chuck Cadman of Surrey, weak from cancer treatment - were dragging themselves into the House of Commons for the vote. (Cadman cast a critical vote to save the government. His constituents
don't want another election right now, he said.)
What's striking is the desperation on all sides. Conservative leader Stephen Harper has made bringing down the Liberals his over-riding priority, sacrificing any attempt at making Parliament work in the meantime.
Prime Minister Paul Martin has been busy buying the support of MPs, promising Stronach her cabinet post, the NDP billions of new spending and courting Independent MP David Kilgour with promises of increased aid for dying refugees in the Sudan. Think about that for a second. People are dying in a war zone, but Canada's help depends on how badly the governing party needs to stay in power.
And all this is playing out as the Gomery Inquiry hears evidence that taxpayers were routinely ripped off in the sponsorship scandal, and that some of the money ended up in the hands of Liberal operatives.
The last month has seen just about every desperate, discouraging political moves that you could imagine.
What Canadians haven't seen is a working Parliament, or one that is focused on their interests. The Conservatives and Bloc Quebecois have made toppling the government their over-arching goal; the Liberals have placed clinging to power
above all else. (Only the New Democrats have demonstrably worked towards practical goals, by shaking down Martin for more spending in the budget.)
Provinces have been lining up to extract promises of cash from an obliging Martin, who figures that opposition MPs from those regions will be reluctant to topple the government before the spending legislation has passed. B.C. will likely add its demands now that the election campaign is over.
It's a mess, and there are only two ways out.
Martin could give up, and call an election. Instead he wants to wait until Gomery reports - and the Liberals have a chance to improve their standing in the polls. As prime minister, if he can get the votes in Parliament, that's his right.
Or Harper could accept the verdict, give up on forcing a non-confidence motion until it would clearly be successful and get back to the normal work of the House.
The second option makes the most sense. The Martin government is wounded, and fragile, and clinging to power. But it has demonstrated the support of Parliament - thanks to some dubious dealing - so it can survive.
And at this point, forcing an election seems politically reckless. Canadians are angry and disillusioned, and any election would be wildly unpredictable. Harper is as likely to be punished as rewarded.
Martin has promised an election within 30 days of receiving the Gomery report. Unless new outrages emerge, or the situation in Parliament changes, Harper and Bloc leader Gilles Duceppe should settle for that. It doesn't really matter who
is to blame. What Canadians are looking for now is an end to destructive squabbling.
It's time for Parliament to get back to work.
Footnote: The Stronach defection added the crowning touch to this soap opera. She apparently dumped the Conservative party and Mackay at the same time, sending him back to his family home for a few days to mend a broken heart. His
interviews from there were sad and touching, and added a weird twist to the whole affair.
The Liberal government survived a non-confidence motion Thursday by the narrowest margin in Canadian history. MPs were split evenly on whether the government should fall, and the deciding vote to keep it alive was cast by Speaker Peter Milliken, a Liberal MP.
The spectacle has been dismaying.
The Liberals, facing defeat, stalled desperately to avoid facing this test. They lined up NDP support by promising to add $4.6 billion in social spending and to cancel promised corporate tax cuts. This week they persuaded Belinda Stronach to abandon the Conservatives - and jilt lover Peter Mackay, the deputy Conservative leader - and take a senior cabinet post in the Liberal government.
If she hadn't jumped, British Columbians would be heading into another election campaign today.
Meanwhile, sick MPs - including Independent Chuck Cadman of Surrey, weak from cancer treatment - were dragging themselves into the House of Commons for the vote. (Cadman cast a critical vote to save the government. His constituents
don't want another election right now, he said.)
What's striking is the desperation on all sides. Conservative leader Stephen Harper has made bringing down the Liberals his over-riding priority, sacrificing any attempt at making Parliament work in the meantime.
Prime Minister Paul Martin has been busy buying the support of MPs, promising Stronach her cabinet post, the NDP billions of new spending and courting Independent MP David Kilgour with promises of increased aid for dying refugees in the Sudan. Think about that for a second. People are dying in a war zone, but Canada's help depends on how badly the governing party needs to stay in power.
And all this is playing out as the Gomery Inquiry hears evidence that taxpayers were routinely ripped off in the sponsorship scandal, and that some of the money ended up in the hands of Liberal operatives.
The last month has seen just about every desperate, discouraging political moves that you could imagine.
What Canadians haven't seen is a working Parliament, or one that is focused on their interests. The Conservatives and Bloc Quebecois have made toppling the government their over-arching goal; the Liberals have placed clinging to power
above all else. (Only the New Democrats have demonstrably worked towards practical goals, by shaking down Martin for more spending in the budget.)
Provinces have been lining up to extract promises of cash from an obliging Martin, who figures that opposition MPs from those regions will be reluctant to topple the government before the spending legislation has passed. B.C. will likely add its demands now that the election campaign is over.
It's a mess, and there are only two ways out.
Martin could give up, and call an election. Instead he wants to wait until Gomery reports - and the Liberals have a chance to improve their standing in the polls. As prime minister, if he can get the votes in Parliament, that's his right.
Or Harper could accept the verdict, give up on forcing a non-confidence motion until it would clearly be successful and get back to the normal work of the House.
The second option makes the most sense. The Martin government is wounded, and fragile, and clinging to power. But it has demonstrated the support of Parliament - thanks to some dubious dealing - so it can survive.
And at this point, forcing an election seems politically reckless. Canadians are angry and disillusioned, and any election would be wildly unpredictable. Harper is as likely to be punished as rewarded.
Martin has promised an election within 30 days of receiving the Gomery report. Unless new outrages emerge, or the situation in Parliament changes, Harper and Bloc leader Gilles Duceppe should settle for that. It doesn't really matter who
is to blame. What Canadians are looking for now is an end to destructive squabbling.
It's time for Parliament to get back to work.
Footnote: The Stronach defection added the crowning touch to this soap opera. She apparently dumped the Conservative party and Mackay at the same time, sending him back to his family home for a few days to mend a broken heart. His
interviews from there were sad and touching, and added a weird twist to the whole affair.
Wednesday, May 18, 2005
Next steps for STV, Greens and a look at the rural-urban divide
VICTORIA - Random notes from the confused day after the election.
First, there's a big political opportunity waiting for the party that acknowledges the public will and backs a switch to the single transferable vote system.
A majority of voters in 77 of the 79 ridings said 'yes' to STV, far beyond the required 60 per cent of ridings. Overall, 57 per cent of voters backed the change, just short of the 60-per-cent support threshold set by the government.
The threshold is not unreasonable.
But the referendum result is a clear indication of the public's desire to move to the new system, and the collective belief that it would deliver better, more democratic governments.
And it represents much more popular support than any political party has been able to win in B.C. for decades.
Both the NDP and the Liberals might like to ignore the referendum. Neither is keen on a change which reduces the power of parties and increases the chance that more independents and small party candidates would be elected.
But it would be wrong for them to ignore the will of the people, and foolish to ignore a great political opportunity to back something that has been proven popular with a majority of voters.
The leaders may recognize that. Gordon Campbell said STV isn't dead. "I think we should bring that to the legislature, to all members of the legislature and review where we may go from there, because there is clearly some hunger to see an improvement," he said. Carole James said she voted against STV, but backs an alternate form of proportional representation.
Campbell is on the right track. A caller to radio talk show suggested a simple, clean solution - bring the issue to the legislature, and allow a true free vote by MLAs. If they chose to represent their constituents, than 77 of them will vote yes, reflecting the referendum results. If they choose not to follow the wishes of the people who elected them, they can explain why.
Second, it is time for the Green Party to take a look at its future. Adriane Carr ran a focused, effective campaign in her riding, did well in both debates and got wide media coverage. But she still came third, with 26 per cent of the vote. (Victoria Green Ariel Lade offered himself up as a paper candidate in Peace River South halfway through the campaign, and never set foot in the riding. He got 9.4 per cent of the vote there.)
More significantly, despite four years in which to build, the Greens' share of the popular vote fell from 12 per cent to nine per cent. (Meaning they might be left out of the next leaders TV debate, as 10-per-cent support was one of the thresholds to be met.)
That still represents a lot of voters. But the Greens are mired on the fringe, farther from electing an MLA than they were four years ago. They need to make changes.
And finally, it's worth noting that the political divide between the Lower Mainland and the rest of the province is there, but less gaping than some had feared. The Liberals were strong in Vancouver and its affiliated sprawl, taking 27 seats to the NDP's 16. But they also prevailed in the rest of the province, 19 to 17.
It's a balanced outcome, one that means voters in every region can take concerns to MLAs from both sides of the house. If a government MLA is slow to act, there is an opposition representative available.
The Liberals' weaker showing in the region will likely mean new cabinet ministers. Bill Bennett, the only Liberal survivor in the Kootenays, will likely get a post. One of the MLAs from the Cariboo and the Bulkley Valley will likely replace the defeated Roger Harris as a regional cabinet representative.
Footnote: It's clear that Green voters could have delivered victory to the NDP or Liberals in 10 close races if they had changed their votes. But it's not at all clear which of the other two parties those voters might have moved to if they had opted to vote strategically. Green voters increasingly come from both sides of the political spectrum.
First, there's a big political opportunity waiting for the party that acknowledges the public will and backs a switch to the single transferable vote system.
A majority of voters in 77 of the 79 ridings said 'yes' to STV, far beyond the required 60 per cent of ridings. Overall, 57 per cent of voters backed the change, just short of the 60-per-cent support threshold set by the government.
The threshold is not unreasonable.
But the referendum result is a clear indication of the public's desire to move to the new system, and the collective belief that it would deliver better, more democratic governments.
And it represents much more popular support than any political party has been able to win in B.C. for decades.
Both the NDP and the Liberals might like to ignore the referendum. Neither is keen on a change which reduces the power of parties and increases the chance that more independents and small party candidates would be elected.
But it would be wrong for them to ignore the will of the people, and foolish to ignore a great political opportunity to back something that has been proven popular with a majority of voters.
The leaders may recognize that. Gordon Campbell said STV isn't dead. "I think we should bring that to the legislature, to all members of the legislature and review where we may go from there, because there is clearly some hunger to see an improvement," he said. Carole James said she voted against STV, but backs an alternate form of proportional representation.
Campbell is on the right track. A caller to radio talk show suggested a simple, clean solution - bring the issue to the legislature, and allow a true free vote by MLAs. If they chose to represent their constituents, than 77 of them will vote yes, reflecting the referendum results. If they choose not to follow the wishes of the people who elected them, they can explain why.
Second, it is time for the Green Party to take a look at its future. Adriane Carr ran a focused, effective campaign in her riding, did well in both debates and got wide media coverage. But she still came third, with 26 per cent of the vote. (Victoria Green Ariel Lade offered himself up as a paper candidate in Peace River South halfway through the campaign, and never set foot in the riding. He got 9.4 per cent of the vote there.)
More significantly, despite four years in which to build, the Greens' share of the popular vote fell from 12 per cent to nine per cent. (Meaning they might be left out of the next leaders TV debate, as 10-per-cent support was one of the thresholds to be met.)
That still represents a lot of voters. But the Greens are mired on the fringe, farther from electing an MLA than they were four years ago. They need to make changes.
And finally, it's worth noting that the political divide between the Lower Mainland and the rest of the province is there, but less gaping than some had feared. The Liberals were strong in Vancouver and its affiliated sprawl, taking 27 seats to the NDP's 16. But they also prevailed in the rest of the province, 19 to 17.
It's a balanced outcome, one that means voters in every region can take concerns to MLAs from both sides of the house. If a government MLA is slow to act, there is an opposition representative available.
The Liberals' weaker showing in the region will likely mean new cabinet ministers. Bill Bennett, the only Liberal survivor in the Kootenays, will likely get a post. One of the MLAs from the Cariboo and the Bulkley Valley will likely replace the defeated Roger Harris as a regional cabinet representative.
Footnote: It's clear that Green voters could have delivered victory to the NDP or Liberals in 10 close races if they had changed their votes. But it's not at all clear which of the other two parties those voters might have moved to if they had opted to vote strategically. Green voters increasingly come from both sides of the political spectrum.
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